Question:
Description from course outline
Choose ONE of the following social problems: unemployment, binge drinking, homelessness.
Choose ONE of the three key sociological perspectives discussed in weeks 2-4 to explain the phenomenon (i.e. functionalism, conflict theory, symbolic interactionism).
In your answer, you will need to demonstrate an understanding of the nature and extent of the “problem” before applying your chosen sociological theory to explain the causes and experiences of the problem in society.
Preparing to complete the task
The intent of this task is to encourage students to engage in depth with a particular social problem. In exploring the problem students are encouraged to consider how the problem exists in society, and how theoretical perspectives are able to inform an analysis of the problem. Therefore, in preparing for this task students should read and explore both research articles around the problem as well as mainstream media reporting of the issue over a period of time. Students should develop a broad understanding of the problem particularly within the Australian and Queensland context.
This task expects students to be able to review, interrogate and deconstruct research articles. Further, students need to be able to analyse theoretical positions and use this analysis as a tool to explain social phenomena.
Reading theory
Good theory presents an argument. The argument may be clear or not, logical or not, plausible or not, supported by evidence or not. The point of reading theory is to get the argument and ultimately to figure out how to evaluate it critically. To aid your reading, keep the following questions in mind:
1. What is the purpose of the piece of writing? Is that purpose clear?
2. How is the piece of writing organised? Is it divided clearly into sections or chapters, and does each of these have a clear purpose or play a clear role in presenting an argument?
3. What kind of writing is it? Different kinds of writing offer different challenges and opportunities.
4. Who is the intended audience? This is rarely you and I. For example, Durkheim and Weber write for a scholarly audience. Weber apparently imagined an audience who had read just about everything he had. Freud wrote for a
general educated audience, but ones located respectively in mid-19th century Europe. Marx and Engels wrote for radical philosophers, revolutionaries, and the working class (as they imagined it). Social theorists often write for themselves as an attempt to understand their own thinking.
5. What does a piece of writing take for granted? That is, what does the author assume their intended readers know and don’t know?
Writing the task response
The response must be written in proper academic language and form. That is, whilst it does not need complex language, necessarily, it should be written in a formal style with clear layout, order and logic. Students are encouraged to refer to their notes and learning from 1201QBT Academic and Professional Skills for more guidance around this.
The response is an analysis; therefore, it should have a clear introduction, body and conclusion, and must present a coherent argument and position across the whole paper. Students are advised to use a template, similar to that provided in 1201QBT, to plan and guide their writing.
It is an expectation that sources that are used in this response are properly referenced using APA 6th edition style. Guides for APA 6th edition are available through Griffith University library as well as other sources. Responses that are not referenced correctly may be considered to be plagiarised.
Starting the task: Three key steps
1. First, you need to select one of the three suggested social problems in Australian context.
2. Second, you will then search for the appropriate sources (authoritative sources) which will help you describe and frame the selected problem.
3. Third, you select one of the three sociological theories covered in this course, which you will need to properly explain before applying it. This will help you construct your main argument(s) which you need to point out at the very start of your essay. In addition, you need to continuously relate the information you present back to this argument throughout the rest of your essay.
When applying theory, you need to first explain the theory. Here you need to use academic sources to define key theoretical concepts and demonstrate the understanding of theory. It does not matter which theoretical perspective you choose to apply. What does matter is how well you argue your case. Do not simply describe your selected theoretical position. You need to make arguments (come up with three or four main points) that support your discussion and back these up with appropriate research (empirical) evidence. You need to keep in mind that when using empirical evidence to support your claims you need (i) a brief study description (e.g. number of participants, measures used), (ii) the key study findings (relevant to your argument) and (iii) the link back to the essay argument.
Throughout your essay you need to use at least 10 authoritative sources. This means you have to research widely and you can begin your search with the set readings provided. These were selected because they are directly relevant to the course content, so do not neglect them.
Today, a great deal of research can be done via the Internet, however you need to be selective in what you use. The two main sources of information you need to use for your essay are as follows:
– Online journals: This is probably the best source. Griffith library gives you access to an extensive collection of journals and you should be using this as your primary source.
– Recognised institutions: Most government departments and research bodies (e.g. Australian Bureau of Statistics) put their publications on the web.
Please do NOT use:
– The open web: You will find information on almost anything by simply ‘googling’ it. This is a very poor source of information and should not be used in academic writing. In most cases you have no guarantee that the information is accurate (e.g. Wikipedia).
Essay Structure
Often the difference between a good and a poor essay is not what is said, but how well it is said. Essay structure is an important part of the essay. The following are some simple tips and rules that can greatly improve your essay.
Introduction
A good introduction is crucial. To navigate through an unfamiliar essay, the reader needs a map or instructions that highlight the points of interest and guide them safely to the end. Your introduction is a brief summary of your essay. It must do the following:
– Set out the problem to be addressed;
– Highlight the main arguments to be made;
– Provide an explicit plan of the essay (the order in which you will present information);
– Provide a direct answer to the question.
Discussion
You must give serious thought to the order in which you present your information. There needs to be a logic to it – you cannot just present information in a random order. A discussion needs to be well structured and the structure should be obvious to the reader. Keep telling your reader what you are up to.
Make sure you set out a clear plan in your introduction and then follow that structure in your discussion. Use ‘signposts’ to emphasise that you are following the plan (e.g. The second argument is…). Do not write too short or too long paragraphs (longer than 2 sentences, no longer than half a page). Each paragraph should have a topic sentence and should only discuss one idea.
Conclusion
Your conclusion is a brief summary of the essay. Do not introduce any new information, and certainly do not leave your answer to the question until the conclusion.
Formatting Guidelines
Your assignment needs to be written in 12-point font (usually Times New Roman font), with at least a 3cm margin, double or one and a half line spacing (single line spacing is used for quotes when these are separated and indented), and each page needs to be numbered.
No title page is required but please include the following information as a header/footer or at the end of your essay.
– student name and number
– course number
– course name
– due date
– assignment item number and type
– tutor name
– word count
Submitting the task:
Students will submit the completed task via Turnitin.
To submit to Turnitin students must create an account at www.turnitin.com and then gain access the to the 1008CCJ class submission space. Login information will be provided in class.
If students have difficulty submitting on time or require an extension they should complete the Deferred Assessment form with appropriate evidence and speak with the Course Coordinator about this issue.
Marking the task:
The task will be assessed using the marking rubric on the following page.
This report by the National Centre for Education and Training on Addiction (NCETA) at Flinders University addresses a range of contemporary issues related to the use of alcohol in Australia.
The report contains 14 separate chapters each addressing a different key issue. Summary content is provided on each of these areas. The report does not provide expansive coverage on all issues. The content of the document should be viewed as introductory rather than comprehensive.
A large and extensive literature is available on alcohol spanning research work undertaken over the past three to four decades. Most research and understanding about alcohol however has been driven by either clinical or epidemiological concerns. Less attention has been directed to the social aspects of alcohol. This report therefore focuses on the social context of alcohol use in Australia. In doing so, it draws on a wide range of issues and different types of literatures, including some of the more traditional clinical and epidemiological studies.
Key themes and content are as follows:
Alcohol, No Ordinary Commodity – Chapter 1
Alcohol is increasingly promoted and positioned within society as a commercial commodity, like milk, bread or orange juice with less consideration given to its potential harmful effects. The counter argument is that ‘alcohol is no ordinary commodity’ because of its potential to produce or contribute to a wide range of social harms.
In essence, alcohol is:
»» integral to the Australian way of life
»» an important economic commodity
(in terms of revenue, employment, tourism, exports) »» a major contributor to preventable illness and death.
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Executive Summary vii
Alcohol’s Cultural and Symbolic Meanings – Chapter 2
Although alcohol is acknowledged as integral to the Australian way of life there has been little examination of how it is embedded with the culture of Australian society. To understand why people drink, and drink the way they do, we need to understand the cultural contexts which make drinking meaningful.
»» although alcohol is normalised in Australian society, it is shaped by cultural and social norms and is thus amenable to change
»» culture is defined here as the knowledge, morals, laws and customs of society
»» in consumer culture, alcohol is highly commodified by marketing and advertising industries
»» the commodified cultural and symbolic meanings of alcohol provide an identity resource that encourages people to participate in a ‘leisure lifestyle’
»» consumer culture also encourages constant dissatisfaction and may have negative effects on well-being
»» while pleasure is associated with alcohol, drinking is often structured, organised and managed as a form of ‘calculated hedonism’.
Emerging Trends and Cultural Changes – Chapter 3
A wide range of important social changes have occurred in Australian society over the past two to three decades that impact on drinking behaviours. These include:
»» the changing role and position of women in society
»» young Australians get married later, have fewer children and delay home ownership and therefore, have more leisure time and expendable income
»» one in six Australian families are single parent families »» young people delay leaving the parental home
»» parenting styles are more lenient than in previous generations »» Australians are less religious than previously.
viii Executive Summary | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Commercial Aspects of Alcohol – Chapter 4
There is increased diversity in alcohol products designed for segmented markets. Millions of dollars are spent on alcohol advertising, marketing, and promotions and involves:
»» strong association between exposure to alcohol advertising and young people’s drinking
»» image advertisements that are potent and appealing to younger people »» alcohol products with high alcohol content marketed for ‘starter drinkers’ »» alcopops being most appealing to adolescents
»» 2-3 times more money being spent on unmeasured and largely unregulated advertising (point-of-sale, branded merchandise, sponsorships, films)
»» pervasive and prominent alcohol advertising on billboards, bus shelters, buses and trains, where exposure to children is high
»» the self-regulatory Australian Alcohol Beverages Advertising Code (ABAC) failing to adequately control alcohol advertising.
Consumption and Risky Use – Chapter 5
»» the majority of Australians (over 80%) drink alcohol
»» age of initiation has decreased; over 50 per cent have consumed alcohol by the age of 14
»» 61 per cent of alcohol consumed in Australia is estimated to be drunk at risky levels at least occasionally
»» risky and high risk drinking is most prevalent among Australians aged 20-29 years
»» the prevalence of risky and high risk drinking has remained relatively stable from 2001 to 2007.
Costs of Alcohol Use – Chapter 6
»» tangible and intangible costs of alcohol use in 2004/05 exceeded $15b
»» the costs of alcohol use are associated with low risk drinking and infrequent risky drinking as well as frequent risky drinking
»» over one third of the costs associated with alcohol use results from lost workplace production
»» the alcohol-related revenue received by the Federal government exceeds alcohol-related expenditure.
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Executive Summary ix
Effects of Alcohol – Chapters 7, 8
There is significant variability in biological responses to alcohol, which is determined by factors such as sex, body size and composition, age, experience of drinking, genetics, nutrition and individual metabolism. Immediate effects of alcohol include: relaxation, wellbeing, and loss of inhibitions. Higher levels of consumption of alcohol may lead to: drowsiness, loss of balance, nausea and vomiting.
»» consumption of alcohol is disinhibiting and may lead consumers to engage in activities that involve greater risk than they would otherwise
»» there is a strong link between alcohol and aggression
»» physical and regulatory features of licensed premises may influence levels of aggression and other alcohol-related harms (see chapter 13)
»» alcohol increases the risk of unsafe sex (and decreases the likelihood of condom use), and increases risk of sexual coercion
»» studies have found that alcohol, and not drugs, is heavily and predominantly implicated in suspected cases of drink spiking.
Social Harms – Chapter 9
»» the social harms caused by alcohol are often overlooked, and include homelessness, unemployment, crime, assaults, work-related harms, work absenteeism, and child safety issues
»» alcohol use can be a major contributor to homelessness and is an exacerbating condition for homeless people
»» alcohol causes a wide range of work-related harms, including safety issues to do with intoxicated workers and absenteeism, and can contribute to unemployment
»» around 10% of children live with an alcohol or other substance abusing or dependent adult, and alcohol is a major contributing factor to child abuse and neglect.
Morbidity and Mortality – Chapter 10
»» alcohol is second only to tobacco as a preventable cause of drug-related death and hospitalisation, and comprises at least 3.3% of the total burden of disease and injury in Australia
»» there is little epidemiological evidence for the beneficial effects of alcohol, and previous findings may have been due to methodological shortcomings
x Executive Summary | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
»» the gross cost of alcohol to the healthcare system is over $2 billion dollars
»» harms arising from acute effects of alcohol consumption form a large and often overlooked proportion of alcohol-related morbidity and mortality: more people die from the acute effects of alcohol such as road injuries than chronic conditions such as cancer.
Indigenous and Young People – Chapter 11
»» alcohol consumption is an underlying risk factor for poor Indigenous health
»» while Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are less likely than the general population to drink, those who do drink are more likely than non-Indigenous drinkers to consume at risky or high risk levels for long term harm
»» Indigenous men are 9 times and women are 4 times more likely to be hospitalised due to excessive alcohol use compared to the non-Indigenous population, and the rate of alcohol-attributable deaths among Indigenous Australians is approximately twice that for the non-Indigenous population
»» for young people: the risks of alcohol-related accidents, injuries, violence and self-harm are high among drinkers aged under 18 years
»» between 1993 and 2001, 28 per cent of all alcohol-related injury deaths and more than one third of alcohol-related injury hospitalisations were sustained by young people aged 15–29 years, and about half of all serious road injuries involved young people.
The Workplace – Chapter 12
»» the potential of the workplace as an alcohol harm intervention setting has largely been overlooked
»» the workplace offers a high concentration of the demographic groups who engage in risky alcohol use
»» alcohol use is more prevalent among those in paid employment
»» due to the impact of alcohol use on workplace safety and productivity, employers are likely to be motivated to support interventions
»» workplace interventions are likely to be cost effective and efficacious
»» occupational health and safety and industrial relations frameworks exist that can incorporate alcohol-related issues.
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Executive Summary xi
Structural and Regulatory Factors – Chapter 13
»» the number of licensed premises has increased substantially in Australia over the past decade
»» in large part, this expansion is due to the National Competition Policy
»» the characteristics of licensed premises are important factors in alcohol-related levels of harms
»» density, hours of operation and price are key factors associated with alcohol-related harm
»» hotels, taverns and nightclubs are the premises associated with most alcohol-related harm largely because of their serving practices.
Management of the Night-Time Economy – Chapter 14
Emergence of the night-time economy has important implications for alcohol-related harms. The night-time economy has both positive and negative features:
»» positive aspects include:
- regeneration of urban spaces
- expanded employment opportunities
- revenue generation
- increased leisure opportunities
- creation of a cosmopolitan feel.
»» negative aspects include:
- increased pressure on emergency services (police, emergency departments)
- facilitates excessive drinking
- noise and degradation of community amenity
- vandalism and other impacts on the day-time economy.
There is an important but under-utilised role for local councils and police in managing the night-time economy.
xii Executive Summary | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Chapter 1:
Alcohol, No Ordinary
Commodity
Key points
»» Alcohol is integral to the Australian way of life.
»» Alcohol is an important economic commodity – employment, tourism, exports.
»» Alcohol is a major contributor to preventable illness and death.
»» Mean consumption has decreased but risky use by women and youth has increased.
»» Economic costs of alcohol-related harm exceeds $15 billion per annum.
Alcohol plays an integral part in the Australian way of life. It is used to celebrate and commiserate significant life events such as births, deaths, marriage, graduation, promotions and sackings. It is the most popular and widespread psychoactive substance available in Australia. It is legal, socially sanctioned and widely promoted. In Australia, the consumption of alcohol is considered a sociable occasion, to
be shared with others, with the principles of mateship and reciprocity exercised through buying ‘rounds’ or ‘shouts’ (Kirkby, 2003; Midford, 2005).
People use alcohol for a wide range of reasons and in different social and cultural contexts. They may drink for sociability, cultural participation, religious observance or as a result of peer influence. They may also drink for relaxation, mood alteration, enhanced creativity, intoxication, addiction, boredom, habit, to overcome inhibitions, to escape or forget or to ‘drown sorrows’. These reasons are likely to be closely related to age, culture and socioeconomic grouping. Risky alcohol use affects a wide range of people, regardless of race, cultural background, education, religion, gender or age. Reasons for drinking are varied and may be complex.
Alcohol also provides employment for a large and diverse workforce in the hospitality industry as well as in farming, manufacture, advertising and investment industries associated with alcohol production. Alcohol products bring foreign currency into Australia through exports and generate substantial tax revenues for
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 1: Alcohol, No Ordinary Commodity 1
the government. Given the profits generated for beer and winemakers and other alcohol beverage manufacturers, alcohol is “an important, economically embedded commodity” (Babor, Caetano, Casswell et al., 2003).
At the same time, the benefits are tempered by alcohol-related health and social costs. There are three main mechanisms that explain alcohol’s capacity to cause health and social harm:
- physical toxicity
- intoxication and
These outcomes are related to particular patterns of drinking.
Rapid ingestion of alcohol is associated with acute effects of physical toxicity and intoxication (accidents, injuries, violence), whereas chronic health problems, such as liver and heart disease and depression are associated with frequent heavy use, and if sustained over time may lead to dependence (Babor et al., 2003).
The various relationships that can exist between different patterns of consumption and alcohol-related consequences are shown in Figure 1.1 (Babor et al., 2003).
| Patterns of drinking | Average volume | ||||||||||||
| Intoxication | |||||||||||||
| Toxic effects | Dependence | ||||||||||||
| Chronic Disease | Acute Disease | Acute Social | Chronic Social | ||||||||||
| accidents/injuries | Problems | Problems | |||||||||||
Figure 1.1 Relationships among alcohol consumption, mediating factors and alcohol-related consequences (Source: Babor et al., 2003)
2 Chapter 1: Alcohol, No Ordinary Commodity | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
While there has been a downward trend in mean per capita consumption of alcohol in Australia over the past three to four decades, there has been:
»» a parallel increase in production of various alcohol product types (e.g. wine)
»» the emergence of new types of products (e.g. alcopops) designed to appeal to specific sectors of the market
»» greater availability through expanded outlet types (e.g. supermarkets) »» more relaxed licensing laws (e.g. extended trading hours)
»» more aggressive, creative and pervasive marketing of alcohol »» the introduction of anti-competition policies.
At the same time that overall mean consumption has decreased, sub-groups (e.g. young people, women) within the population drink more now than in previous generations and at riskier levels.
According to the World Health Organizaton (WHO), approximately 3.3 per cent of the global burden of disease in 2003 – 4.9 per cent in males and 1.6 per cent in females – was attributed to alcohol consumption (Begg, Vos, Barker et al., 2007). In Australia, alcohol is a major contributor to preventable illness and death, and is responsible for over 3,100 deaths and 72,000 hospitalisations per year (Chikritzhs, Catalano, Stockwell et al., 2003). There is also much widespread and enduring social harm associated with alcohol consumption, including violence, domestic assaults, criminal behaviour, unemployment and homelessness.
The financial cost of problems arising from alcohol consumption has been estimated at $15.3 billion per annum (Collins & Lapsley, 2008). Recent analysis of the government revenue and expenditure associated with alcohol consumption in adolescents showed substantial disparity between the amount of tax revenue
received from adolescent drinkers (12-17 years) and the amount spent on prevention and alcohol-related problems in adolescent drinkers (Doran, Gascoigne, Shakeshaft, & Petrie, 2006). Adolescent Australians spent approximately $217 million on alcoholic beverages in 2002, netting approximately $112 million in tax revenue (average $195 in tax per adolescent drinker). In contrast, approximately $17 million was spent on adolescent drinking interventions in 2002, equating to about $10.51 per adolescent on delivery of alcohol interventions. That is, for every dollar spent on alcohol interventions aimed at adolescents, the government received around $7 in alcohol tax revenue.
Alcohol pricing also influences consumption. Drinkers generally drink more when prices are lowered (e.g. discounted drinks, ‘Happy hour’) and they drink less when prices rise. Overall, the price of alcohol beverages has decreased over the past 50 years and this can be explained partly by the lack of tax increase with inflation (Babor et al., 2003).
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 1: Alcohol, No Ordinary Commodity 3
4 Chapter 1: Alcohol, No Ordinary Commodity | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Chapter 2:
Cultural and Symbolic
Meanings of Alcohol
Key points
»» Culture can be defined as the knowledge, morals, laws and customs of society.
»» To understand why people drink, we need to understand the cultural context which makes drinking meaningful.
»» In consumer culture, alcohol is highly commodified by marketing and advertising industries.
»» The commodified cultural and symbolic meanings of alcohol provide an identity resource that encourages people to participate in a ‘leisure lifestyle’.
»» Consumer culture also encourages constant dissatisfaction and may have negative effects on well-being.
»» While pleasure is associated with alcohol, drinking is often structured, organised and managed as a form of ‘calculated hedonism’.
»» Although alcohol is normalised in Australian society, it is shaped by cultural and social norms and is thus amenable to change.
Defining culture
Typically we understand culture to refer to a set of values, beliefs and norms that have been historically transmitted from generation to generation. Culture in this sense is all-pervasive; it provides the context for our everyday lives. It orients our perspective by providing a ‘cultural lens’ with which to view, and make sense of, our social worlds. Culture refers to a “complex whole” that encompasses the knowledge, morals, laws and customs of society (Roche, Bywood, Borlagdan et al., 2007, p. 63; Tylor, 1871).
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol 5
Culture is involved in all those practices…which carry meaning and value for us, which need to be meaningfully interpreted by others, or which depend on meaning for their effective operation1.
The term ‘drinking culture’ is a popular term that implies a range of behaviours and attitudes. However, it is poorly defined and of limited use when trying to understand the cultural context of alcohol use. When we talk of a drinking culture, we are referring to an ongoing social process where meanings of alcohol are being constructed and reproduced. The term culture can inform how we make sense of the world.
Cultural context of alcohol use
Alcohol as a cultural artefact does not have inherent meaning unless understood in a given context. Historical meanings of alcohol often revolve around national drinking rituals such as:
»» ‘shouts’ (each man in turn buys a round of drinks for the whole group) and
»» ‘work and bust’ (a prolonged drunken spree following a long period of hard work in the bush).
These practices are believed to have promoted widespread heavy drinking (Lewis, 1992, p. 4).
These rituals are often couched within the positively valued Australian ideals of ‘mateship’ and ‘work ethic’ (Roche et al., 2007, p. 67) and as such usually refer to male forms of bonding and solidarity.
Commodification of cultural and symbolic meanings
Contemporary Australian society is increasingly shaped by consumer capitalism and consequently the commodification of alcohol. The prominence of consumption as an organised system of cultural values and meanings in advanced industrial society also marks a wider structural shift whereby social life is now driven by consumption rather than production. Within this consumer culture, we are encouraged to seek happiness, meaning and fulfilment through the consumption of goods. We become accustomed to looking for newness in all things as the ‘culture industries’ support the insatiableness of our desires by providing a constant stream of new products and images for us to consume (Roche et al., 2007, p. 65).
1 Hall, 1997, p.3.
6 Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
This shift from a traditional to modern society means that the cultural context in which alcohol is consumed is altered along with the meanings ascribed to drinking. As any other commodity in consumer culture, alcohol is marketed, advertised and stylised to represent a lifestyle in which happiness, social success and fulfilment are available through the consumption of the product (Lury, 1996). Alcohol thus has symbolic significance as a resource from which consumers can construct an identity that fits with a modern leisure lifestyle.
Drinking is made meaningful because it is used by young people as a form of group identification that distinguishes them from other socio-cultural groups and lifestyles (Jarvinen & Gundelach, 2007). This is a social process, as differences between lifestyles only work if they are “socially recognised and legitimated” (Featherstone, 1991). Recent research in this area has found that “what, where and how a person drinks is a simultaneous enactment of class and gender” (Lindsay, 2006).
Changes in women’s drinking
The creation of niche markets has influenced young women. Drinking is no longer bound to the public realm of the drinking hotel but has multiplied into diverse areas including the private sphere and it has become an important part of women’s lifestyles (Roche et al., 2007, pp. 68-69) .
The recommodification of alcohol into alcopops and ‘ready to drinks’ (RTDs) has served to target females as well as a younger generation of drinkers (Brain, 2000). The traditional notion of a homogenous national, masculine drinking culture no longer applies. Alcohol has been commodified as a lifestyle choice and a cultural ideal.
Changes in the types of drinks young people consume, specifically with regard to the increasing popularity of ‘alcopops’ and pre-mixed RTDs, have been driven by a larger move to recommodify alcoholic drinks. The re-commodification of alcohol into new products and new brands has resulted in the targeting of new demographics that had traditionally not been drinkers.
It has been argued that alcohol companies created these new types of alcoholic drinks in fear of losing market share to illicit drugs associated with the rise of dance culture in the late 1980s (Brain, 2000; Measham, 2004; Parker, Aldridge, & Measham, 1998). Consequently, many of the values and ideals of youth culture
have been appropriated by the alcopops and RTDs. As a marker of broader cultural shifts alcohol companies have therefore commodified the hedonistic values of pleasure and excess that mark consumerism (Roche et al., 2007, p. 81).
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol 7
The commodification of alcohol
Consumer culture emphasises the cultural values of individualism and materialism. Rather than increasing people’s sense of well-being, these values seem to do
the opposite. Many studies show that materialism – the pursuit of money and possessions – seems not to breed happiness but dissatisfaction, depression, anxiety, anger, isolation and alienation (Kasser 2002, Eckersley 2005a: 85-96, DeAngelis 2004 in Eckersley, Wierenga, & Wyn, 2006).
Eckersley et al., (2006, p. 34) believe that the human response to this isolation is to seek out tribal groups that “dissolve the boundaries of the self” and which promote belonging and togetherness with others, a function which alcohol and some drugs are viewed as fulfilling.
Other critics maintain that consumer culture results in an endless cycle of desire and boredom: dissatisfaction is largely created by the market through “planned obsolescence” (McKendrick, Brewer, & Plumb, 1982). This is evident in the way advertisers work to constantly highlight and emphasise newness by rendering past products stylistically and emotionally obsolete (Ewen, 1988).
For example, advertisements for alcohol products frequently highlight new additives (e.g. guarana) or maintain that the consumption of alcohol will exceed the consumer’s expectations (e.g. drink X will augment your physical attractiveness, social life, sexuality and popularity). In this way, dissatisfaction and a corresponding desire for newness are manufactured. Consequently, a tension exists whereby consumers are pulled between the poles of intense desire and boredom. No longer is it acceptable to simply have, one must also continue to long for, desire and search out new consumer goods that ‘fit’ with one’s lifestyle (Roche et al., 2007).
As a product of the culture industries, which include marketing, advertising and commercial agencies, alcohol is a commodity who’s symbolic and cultural meanings are not only those of the consumer, but also of a system geared towards continual desire and inevitable obsolescence as depicted in Figure 2.1 below.
Pleasure/
desire
Consumption Obsolescence
Figure 2.1 Cycle of consumerism
8 Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Alcohol and pleasure
Recently researchers have examined new conceptions of drinking that revolve around the management and organisation of pleasure. Alcohol is meaningful to people’s lives because it is a commodity emblematic of leisure lifestyle and its attendant pleasures.
Pleasure is not always an inherent motivation of the individual, but its association with alcohol is something that is structured by the market economy and the alcohol industries. Broader shifts in the commercial market have brought about a ‘new culture of intoxication’ to which the notion of pleasure is central (Measham & Brain, 2005).
Calculated hedonism vs binge drinking
The pursuit of pleasure does not imply a set of unregulated and uncontrolled drinking behaviours. Most commonly, this is conjured through the use of the term ‘binge drinking’, implying a drinking session in which alcohol is drunk to excess. Most often applied to young people’s drinking patterns, ‘bingeing’ implies that consumers seek a determined drunkenness in which intoxication is the desired end (Measham, 2006). This definition neglects the cultural context that supports this value of consumption and which can work to restrict the amount of alcohol consumed.
There is also a need to consider the pragmatic constraints that limit alcohol consumption (Measham, 2006). Rather than embarking upon excessive or a completely liberated form of consumption, alcohol can best be thought of as a form of “calculating hedonism” (Featherstone, 1991). A “controlled loss of control” occurs when consumers operate in between the two extremes of restraint and abandon (Measham, 2004). In regard to alcohol, the responsibilities of work, family, and education can limit an individual’s level of alcohol consumption. In relation to young drinkers, Brain’s study of youth in the UK finds that:
The hedonism of young drinkers is not simply one of uncontrolled abandon to the sensuous pleasures of indulgence, but rather a calculated and planned, rational hedonism. Here, contemporary young drinkers mark out pleasure spaces in which they can plan to ‘let loose’ and engage in less restrained behaviour than they would have to in the formal, complex structures of institutional interdependence such as school, work or organised leisure or the networks of interdependence in families. This leads to a form of hedonistic but bounded consumption2.
In researching the Australian context, Duff (2003) also highlights that cultural understandings of alcohol need to take into account how people derive physical and social pleasures from drinking.
| 2 Brain, 2000, p.7. | |
| The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol | 9 |
Cultural change
Because culture is maintained and reproduced through shared meanings, it is also amenable to change. Culture is not only a force that we are affected and shaped by, it is also something that we can shape and transform over time through our interactions with one another.
Cultures do not remain static across time or over generations; they are in a constant state of flux. Similarly, the meanings attached to alcohol consumption are always changing. Norms and values that define what, where, when and how we drink, and who we drink with, are mediated between people over time. Consequently, ideas on drinking and drinking practices are constantly changing and contested.
As with all socially mediated aspects of culture, meanings of drinking and drinking behaviour are open to transformation (Roche et al., 2007, p. 64).
Duff (2003) emphasises the extent to which drinking alcohol has become normalised in Australian society. In spite of health campaigns and greater public awareness of the health risks associated with alcohol, the cultural acceptance of alcohol in Australian society remains widespread. This is because of:
»» the historical meaning of alcohol in everyday life
»» its centrality in marking rituals, celebrations and holidays through which national and individual identity are formed
»» strong market and commercial forces.
With alcohol embedded in these cultural rituals, links between alcohol and identity formation have become consolidated to the extent that we are only now beginning to question its centrality to Australian culture. However, the normalisation of alcohol does highlight that this is a cultural process and as such it can be transformed.
There are opportunities to challenge the most commonly accepted meanings of alcohol in society.
10 Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Chapter 3:
Emerging Trends and
Cultural Changes
Key points
»» Social trends and interpersonal factors impact on drinking behaviours. »» The changing role and position of women in society has altered.
»» Young Australians get married later, have fewer children and delay home ownership.
»» One in six Australian families are single parent families. »» Young people delay leaving the parental home.
»» Parenting styles are more lenient than in previous generations. »» Australians are less religious than previously.
Social trends
There is a wide range of social trends and interpersonal factors that impact on drinking behaviours. These include macro-level social trends in the economy, education, employment and changing social attitudes, gender roles and family dynamics. Each of these factors may influence interpersonal relationships in terms of parenting styles and sibling/peer influences.
Changes in other individual factors, such as early maturation, religion and geographical location may also influence development of social norms and drinking patterns. Alcohol consumption patterns are also influenced by people’s perceptions of the severity of consequences, attitudes about alternative activities, perceptions of their own drunkenness, peer approval and, for young people, parental disapproval and monitoring.
Examples of key social changes are outlined below. Note that these are indicative, and not definitive, social changes. A range of other social changes and factors may also be relevant to the development of drinking patterns and norms in different contexts.
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 3: Emerging Trends and Cultural Changes 11
Changing roles of women
A higher proportion of women today are represented in the paid workforce (approx. 70% aged 25-34 years) compared to previous generations. Similarly, more women complete post-school education. Women have greater access to birth control and fertility rates have declined substantially from 3.5 births per woman in 1961 to 1.75 in 2003 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2004b). Further, the median age of mothers has risen from 28.9 in 1993 to 30.5 in 2003 (Linacre, 2005) (Figure 3.1).
These changing roles impact significantly on young women’s lifestyles, leisure activities, socialising and disposable income.
Overall, young people delay parenthood for several reasons including to: »» complete tertiary education
»» pursue career opportunities
»» establish economic independence
»» seek balance in life, with work and leisure as priorities.
| births | |||||
| 150 | |||||
| 1993 | |||||
| 120 | 1998 | ||||
| 2003 | |||||
| 90 | |||||
| 60 | |||||
| 30 | |||||
| 0 | |||||
| 15-19(b) | 20-24 | 25-29 | 30-34 | 35-39 | 40-44 |
| Age group (years) | |||||
Figure 3.1 Age specific fertility rates – selected years
(reproduced from Australian Bureau of Statistics; Linacre, 2005)
In particular, young people tend to choose travel, work, fun and socialising with friends over the responsibilities of child rearing. In comparison to previous
generations, they have more time to participate in recreational and leisure activities, which gives them more freedom to engage in social activities, including those where alcohol and/or intoxication play an integral role.
12 Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Family structure
The structure of families has changed substantially over the last century from a large family co-habiting with extended kin at the time of Australian Federation through the nuclear family, with few extended members after the Second World War, to a more diverse range of families today (single-parent, same-sex, blended families, and families with 0-2 children). Extended families often live further away from one another and thus, are less likely to be available for social, financial and emotional support.
The proportion of single-parent families increased from 17 per cent in 1992 to 22 per cent in 2003 and is expected to increase up to 33 per cent in 2026 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2006b) (Figure 3.2). The number of single-parent families more than doubled between 1986 and 2006. In 2006, 15.8 per cent of all Australian families reported having only one parent living in the family household.
| Number of one parent families |
| 1,000,000 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| 763000 | 823254 | ||||||||||||||||||||
| 800,000 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| 552000 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| 600,000 | 467200 | ||||||||||||||||||||
| 400,000 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| 311800 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| 200,000 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| 0 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| 1986 | 1991 | 1996 | 2001 | 2006 | |||||||||||||||||
Year
Figure 3.2 Number of single-parent families in Australia
(data from Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1997, 2006b, 2007b)
Children living in single-parent households may be more likely to: »» experience lower levels of social support
»» seek peer companionship and engage in risk-taking behaviours
»» be vulnerable to developing psychological problems, and less likely to engage in hobbies or constructive leisure activities (Duncan, Duncan, & Strycker, 2006; Griffin, Botvin, Scheier, Diaz, & Miller, 2000; Hayes, Smart, Toumbourou, & Sanson, 2004; Ledoux, Miller, Choquet, & Plant, 2002; Miller, 1997; Spruijt & de Goede, 1997).
Such loosening of family bonds is thought to foster closer attachment to peers and greater involvement in activities such as drinking (Miller, 1997).
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol 13
Transitions
The structure and composition of the family has also changed in terms of when young people leave the family home to embark on an independent adult life. Compared to previous generations, a larger proportion of young people delay leaving the parental home until their mid to late twenties. In 2001, 30 per cent of people in their twenties were living with at least one parent, in contrast to only 21 per cent of people of this age group living with at least one parent in 1976 (Linacre, 2005).
There are several factors that influence the age at which young people leave home. Living in the parental home provides a number of advantages, including:
»» support while continuing education longer
»» freedom from responsibilities while living at home »» greater expendable income
»» lack of affordable housing (rental and mortgage rates; accrued HECS/HELP debt).
More relaxed and lenient parenting styles of contemporary parents may also mean greater tolerance of heavy drinking and intoxication by the young adults living in the family home. Increased requirements for higher educational qualifications to enhance employment opportunities has induced more young people to obtain post school qualifications (31% in 1976 vs 45% in 2001) (Linacre, 2005).
Moving from school to university is a time of particular vulnerability for developing risky behaviours (Dowling, Clark, & Corney, 2006). It involves exposure to a culture of alcohol use in the university environment, with approximately 70 per cent of students reporting that they binge drink (Davey, Davey, & Obst, 2002) or drink at hazardous or harmful levels (Roche & Watt, 1999). Young people are particularly susceptible to social influences while attending higher education institutions and, in turn, these social influences may fuel young people’s drinking habits (Read, Wood, & Capone, 2005).
The school or university to work transition may also influence drinking patterns. Paid employment is significantly associated with increased levels of alcohol use in adolescents (Breslin & Adlaf, 2005; Johnson & Sheets, 2004; Mihalic & Elliot, 1997; Steinberg & Dornbusch, 1991; Valois, Dunham, Jackson, & Waller, 1999) and in adults (Berry, Pidd, Roche, & Harrison, 2007; Pidd, Berry, Harrison et al., 2006). Cultural norms concerning alcohol use exist within work organisations (Pidd & Roche, 2008). For example, while consumption of alcohol at work may be actively discouraged for safety reasons, workers may be pressured to join co-workers in regular ‘end of the working day’ drinking rituals. In some work settings, workers who do not normally drink in their own leisure time may find it expected of them
14 Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
by their colleagues or workplace. Both co-workers’ behaviours and the expectations placed upon a worker from fellow colleagues (Frone, 2003), together with workplace drug and alcohol policies restricting use, are also positively associated with alcohol behaviours (Pidd, Boeckmann, & Morris, 2006).
Adolescents in transition from school to work may be particularly susceptible to cultural and social influence processes evident in the workplace and these processes may have a substantial impact on their beliefs and behaviours concerning alcohol. Since the largest percentage of workers who frequently drink at short-term risky or high risk levels are employed in the hospitality industry (Pidd, Berry, Harrison et al., 2006) and many young people obtain employment through this industry, exposure to the alcohol culture may increase the likelihood of young people developing risky drinking behaviours.
Other factors that may influence drinking patterns during transition periods include celebrations related to milestone birthdays, leaving home or finishing secondary school (Milligan, Burke, Beilin et al., 1997; Sher & Rutledge, 2007; Zinkiewicz, Davey, & Curd, 1999). These celebrations are often large organised events, with a strong expectation of unlimited access to alcohol. Parents, siblings and peers may each influence young people’s drinking behaviour.
Parental Influence
Parental support (nurturance, affection, acceptance), parental control (monitoring, permissiveness) and parental modelling (parental drinking) are associated with adolescents’ use of alcohol (Barnes, Hoffman, Welte, Farrell, & Dintcheff, 2006). Low family cohesion is also thought to be a risk factor during adolescence, as being a part of a cohesive family unit acts as a protective buffer and helps young people cope with stress (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2007b). Secure relationships with parents, provision of responsive care and implementation of appropriate limits operate as protective factors against substance misuse, including risky drinking (ANCD, 2007).
Parenting styles have changed compared to previous generations. Parents of young children often reject rigid and authoritarian parenting styles and adopt more lenient and relaxed approaches to control and discipline (Farouque, 2007). The weakening of traditional parental roles, and the blurring of distinction between parent and child roles, has important implications for socialisation, modelling and how young people learn self regulation.
While parental disapproval of adolescent drinking and enforcement of rules has been found to be an effective deterrent to problem drinking (Davey et al., 2002; Reifman, Barnes, Dintcheff, Farrell, & Uhteg, 1998; van der Vorst, Engels, Meeus, & Dekovic,
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol 15
2006), overly strict rules and reactive parenting techniques can result in adolescents drinking more, not less (Guilamo-Ramos, Turrisi, Jaccard, Wood, & Gonzalez, 2004). In contrast, more proactive parenting techniques, such as parental provision of support for their child, involvement in their child’s life, establishment of good communication patterns and provision of expressions of warmth and affection, have been found to prevent risky behaviours developing (Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2004).
Parental modelling has also been associated with adolescent drinking patterns. Parental attitudes towards alcohol and parents’ own use of alcohol have a significant effect on adolescent drinking behaviour (Bellis, Hughes, Morleo et al., 2007; Reifman et al., 1998). If parents support norms favourable to alcohol use, model such behaviours and reinforce attitudes that promote alcohol use, this in turn will encourage children to imitate this behaviour (Fagan & Najman, 2005).
Parental supply of alcohol, which is the primary source of alcohol supply to 12-18 year olds (White & Hayman, 2006a), is seen by many parents as a means by which to guide young people towards responsible alcohol use. However, evidence pertaining to parental supply of alcohol is mixed. While some researchers suggest that young people may be less likely to consume large amounts of alcohol if it was supplied
by their parents as opposed to another source (Bellis et al., 2007; King, Taylor, & Carroll, 2005a; White & Hayman, 2006b), others suggest parental supply is a major cause of risky drinking amongst adolescents (de Bonnaire, Kalafatelis, Whitfield, & Harsant, 2000; Toumbourou, Williams, White et al., 2004; Tutt, 2003). Given this conflicting evidence, it is likely that other socialisation factors, such as family cultural values in regard to drinking and proactive parenting styles, as well as peer and sibling influences, may mediate parental and family influences. Older siblings are more likely to exert an influence on a younger sibling’s drinking behaviour where there is similarity in gender and age (Trim, Leuthe, & Chassin, 2006).
During adolescence, the influence of parents reduces and peers play a greater role, particularly if an adolescent’s relationship with their parents is poor (Hayes et al., 2004; Hyde, Treacy, Boland et al., 2001). Once initiation to drinking has occurred, those who have tried alcohol may seek out peers who are drinkers (Urberg, Deirmenciolu, & Pilgrim, 1997). Thus, peer influence and peer selection
processes compliment one another (Hayes et al., 2004). Consistent evidence shows that perceptions of drinking norms correlate with individual drinking behaviours (Borsari, Bergen-Cico, & Carey, 2003; Kypri & Langley, 2003; Neighbors, Dillard, Lewis, Bergstrom, & Neil, 2006; Neighbors, Oster-Aaland, Bergstrom, & Lewis, 2006; Wild, 2002). That is, young people frequently overestimated their peers’ drinking and, when provided with factual data on their peers drinking, their alcohol use reduced (Lintonen & Konu, 2004; Mattern & Neighbors, 2004; Perkins & Craig, 2006; Wild, 2002).
16 Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Religion
Australia has experienced a steady decline in levels of affiliation with the denominated forms of religion (Anglican and other Christian denominations) since the mid 1970’s and an increase in the proportion of the population with no formal religious affiliation (see Figure 3.3).
Religiosity is inversely related to risk behaviour (Beyers, Toumbourou, Catalano, Arthur, & Hawkins, 2004) and has a positive effect on mental health, with religious and spiritual people experiencing less depression, anxiety and alcohol and drug dependence (Lavelle, 2007). Affiliating with a religion and participating in its group activities is also one way by which people develop social networks and connect with communities (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2004a).
| Anglican | % | ||||
| Catholic | 40 | ||||
| Other Christian | |||||
| No religion | |||||
| Non-Christian religion | |||||
| 30 | |||||
| 20 | |||||
| 10 | |||||
| 0 | |||||
| 1931 | 1945 | 1959 | 1973 | 1987 | 2001 |
Census year
Figure 3.3 Religious affiliation of Australians of all ages
(reproduced from Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2003)
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol 17
Socioeconomic status
The relationship between socioeconomic status (SES) and alcohol consumption is complex and evidence is often conflicting. Some studies have found that SES was not a strong predictor for drinking, particularly among adolescents (Williams,
Sanson, Toumbourou, & Smart, 2000; World Health Organization, 2000), but that other factors, such as maturation, coping strategies, peer group and culture had more influence on alcohol consumption. In contrast, the following studies reported a positive relationship between SES and drinking:
»» lower family and community SES associated with lower rates of heavy episodic drinking in Canada (Breslin & Adlaf, 2005)
»» higher disposable income in young New Zealanders was associated with increased purchase of alcohol (Darling, Reeder, McGee, & Williams, 2006)
»» British students aged 15-16 years who received more than £10 a week and bought alcohol for themselves were more likely to become ‘problem drinkers’ (Bellis et al., 2007).
18 Chapter 2: Cultural and Symbolic Meanings of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Chapter 4:
Commercial
Aspects of Alcohol
Key points
»» Increased diversity of alcohol products for segmented market.
»» Strong association between exposure to alcohol advertising and young people’s drinking.
»» Image advertisements are most potent and appealing to younger people.
»» Alcohol products with high alcohol content are marketed for ‘starter drinkers’.
»» Alcopops are most appealing to adolescents.
»» Millions of dollars are spent on alcohol advertising in ‘measured’ forms (TV, magazines).
»» 2-3 times more money is spent on unmeasured and largely unregulated advertising (point-of-sale, branded merchandise, sponsorships, films).
»» Alcohol products and promotional materials are positioned carefully to gain optimal exposure.
»» Pervasive and prominent alcohol advertising is on billboards, bus shelters, buses and trains, where exposure to children is high.
»» Discounted alcohol products sold through off-premise outlets contributes to pre-loading among young people.
»» The self-regulatory Australian Alcohol Beverages Advertising Code (ABAC) fails to adequately control alcohol advertising.
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 4: Commercial Aspects of Alcohol 19
There is a range of market forces operating at the global level that are thought to influence drinking behaviours in efforts to achieve a greater ‘share of throat’. Very large amounts of money are spent on alcohol advertising in Australia not only in measured forms, such as television, magazines, radio and billboards, but
also in unmeasured forms of promotion, including branded materials, point-of-sale materials, giveaways, sponsorships and special events.
Studies evaluating the effect of advertising generally fall into two categories:
- econometric studies, which analyse total sales of alcohol in relation to total advertising expenditure; and
- consumer studies, which examine how drinking behaviour and attitudes vary with exposure to alcohol advertising.
While econometric studies demonstrate little or no effect of advertising on aggregate alcohol consumption (Hastings, Anderson, Cooke, & Gordon, 2005), they ignore important differential influences of alcohol on consumption (e.g. age groups, gender). In contrast, consumer studies consistently show a strong association between exposure to alcohol advertising (in magazines, television, in-
store displays and sports venues) and young people’s drinking behaviour, including:
»» underage drinking
(Atkin, Hocking, & Block, 1984; Austin & Hust, 2005; Collins, Ellickson, McCaffrey, & Hambarsoomians, 2007)
»» ‘binge’ drinking
(Connolly, Casswell, Zhang, & Silva, 1994; Wyllie, Zhang, & Casswell, 1998)
»» early initiation to alcohol use and/or increased alcohol consumption (Ellickson, Collins, Hambarsoomians, & McCaffrey, 2005; Hastings et al., 2005; Hughes, MacKintosh, Hastings et al., 1997; Hurtz, Henriksen, Wang, Feighery, & Fortmann, 2007; Snyder, Milici, Slater, Sun, & Strizhakova, 2006; Stacy, Zogg, Unger, & Dent, 2004)
»» and the precursors to drinking:
- liking for alcohol ads
(Casswell & Zhang, 1998; Connolly et al., 1994; Grube & Wallack, 1994; Martin, Snyder, Hamilton et al., 2002; Pasch, Komro, Perry, Hearst, & Farbakhsh, 2007; Snyder et al., 2006; Wyllie et al., 1998)
- development of positive attitudes towards alcohol (Donovan, Donovan, Howat, & Weller, 2007)
- increased intentions to drink
(Chen, Grube, Bersamin, Waiters, & Keefe, 2005; Wyllie et al., 1998).
20 Chapter 4: Commercial Aspects of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
While arguments are still proffered by commercial interest groups that advertising does not work to increase alcohol consumption per se but merely brand preference, the available evidence from consumer studies indicates that this is not the case. Advertising is a potent and effective means by which to influence drinking levels, particularly in younger people. In addition, the pervasiveness of alcohol advertising is likely to have a cumulative effect not only on the target audience, but also on others who may be incidentally exposed to it.
Advertising can be broadly divided into ‘product’ and ‘image’ advertisements. Product advertisements focus on the merits of a product (e.g. taste, quality, and price). Image advertisements attempt to engage the target audience by developing an idealised image or lifestyle associated with the product that reflects the target audience’s goals. Themes that appear most prominently in alcohol advertising, particularly in youth-oriented television programs and magazines generally focus on fun, relaxation, adventure and sexual or social acceptance.
Increasingly, image advertisements and promotions are growing in importance as young people find meaning in their lives through their patterns of consumption. Alcohol marketing is believed to influence the formation of young people’s social identity, which is, in part, shaped by adopting particular images portrayed through the popular media.
There are mainly two main forms of marketing:
»» advertisements/promotions in the absence of the product (e.g. television, magazine, posters, billboards, internet ads)
»» advertisements/promotions in the presence of the product (e.g. point-of-sale, up-selling strategies, price discounts, promotional merchandise, gift-with-purchase, games, competitions).
Four fundamental elements of marketing
- Product
Increasingly, alcohol products are developed for a differentiated market. For example, ready-to-drink beverages (RTDs), also known as alcopops due to their similarity to soft drinks, are marketed for young ‘starter drinkers’ (14-15 year olds) (Jackson, Hastings, Wheeler, Eadie, & Mackintosh, 2000). With increases in alcohol by volume (ABV) and container sizes up to 2.7 standard drinks (Munro & de Wever, 2008), consumption of RTDs has also increased sharply from 0.1L per person in 2001 to 0.87L per person in 2004 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2005). The sweet fruity flavour, screwtops for easy portability, bright colours for brand identification, high alcohol content for rapid intoxication, relatively low price and widespread
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 4: Commercial Aspects of Alcohol 21
availability make them very appealing to young adolescents (Copeland, Stevenson, Gates, & Dillon, 2007).
RTDs are the preferred alcohol beverage for 12-15 year old Australians, especially females, and those aged under 18 years believe that RTD products are designed specifically to appeal to their age group (Copeland et al., 2007; Jones & Donovan, 2001; Smith, Edwards, & Harris, 2005; Van Beurden & Davis, 2005).
A ‘re-commodification’ of alcohol products occurred in the late 1990s, when RTDs were marketed using names that evoke drug images (e.g. Raver, Hemp, Cocaine, DNA) in order to appeal to the psychoactive drug users (Brain, 2000).
By increasing the strength of alcohol products and deliberately breaking down the barriers between the licit and illicit drugs markets, producing drinks that trade on dance club/drug culture, [the alcohol industry] has sought to exploit and reproduce the drinking of alcohol for a psychoactive hit3.
Novel modes of product delivery, including ‘shooters’, ‘slammers’ or ‘shots’ with multiple measures of different alcohol products are typically high in alcohol and are promoted in ways that encourage rapid ingestion (e.g. squirt guns and drinking countdowns). Similarly, alcohol jellies, inhalers, and RTDs containing soft drinks with stimulants, such as caffeine, guarana and taurine, are appealing to young people who identify with the rave nightclub culture.
Over time, packaging of alcohol products, particularly RTDs, has become more similar to popular soft drinks (Austin & Hust, 2005; MacKintosh, Hastings, Hughes et al., 1997). The blurring of product presentation and packaging between non-alcohol and alcohol beverages makes it easier for a young person to opt to drink an alcohol beverage and more difficult to consciously distinguish between the two types of beverages.
- Promotion
Gender stereotyping, sexual innuendo, Australian icons and quintessential images of mateship and larrikin behaviour are recurrent themes in many Australian beer commercials and these ads perpetuate male stereotypes of masculinity and/or women as the butt of a joke. Using persuasive themes and stereotypes, alcohol ads often mirror themes that appear in non-alcohol ads (Austin & Hust, 2005). This has a normalising effect such that young people are already familiar with the themes when they first become aware of alcohol ads. Moreover, those who do not yet drink show a strong preference for image advertisements and intention to drink in the future (Kelly & Edwards, 1998).
3 Brain, 2000, p.9.
22 Chapter 4: Commercial Aspects of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Young people’s exposure to alcohol advertising via a range of media has been monitored routinely in the US (Center on Alcohol Marketing and Youth, 2007a, 2007b) and results consistently show that young people are exposed to more beer, spirits and alcopops ads compared to adults.
Sexualisation of alcohol promotions has also increased, raising concerns about the messages associated with alcohol that are conveyed to young people. Alcohol advertising images define young people according to their sexual appeal and behaviour. A range of alcoholic cocktails containing sexual innuendoes (e.g. ‘Screaming orgasm’, ‘Sex on the beach’, ‘Slow comfortable screw’) are now pre-packaged, making them more readily available and cheaper (Guardian.co.uk, 2005). Advertising for this type of product uses humour to promote alcohol consumption for enjoyment, experimentation and ‘letting loose’ for the purposes of pleasure (Szmigin, Griffin, Mistral et al., 2007).
In 2004, the Australian alcohol industry spent $124 million on alcohol advertising, primarily aired on television (57%) (Nielsen Media Research in King, Taylor, & Carroll, 2005b). However, US data (1999) (Jernigan, Ostroff, & Ross, 2005), suggest that two to three times this amount is spent on unmeasured advertising, including:
»» Point-of sale promotions, which promote not only brand loyalty and image, but also encourage those who have never used the product to trial it (e.g. gift with purchase, competitions) and/or increase the volume of purchase by offering discounts for larger volume (Jones & Lynch, 2007).
»» Alcohol branded merchandise, which has expanded into T-shirts, hats, watches and glassware, offer consumers opportunities to ‘try on’ the image of a drinker (Henriksen, Feighery, Schleicher, & Fortmann, 2008). Branded items, which may be associated with sports (cricket, rugby, motor racing), often find their way into the hands of adolescents (Workman, 2003) and owning alcohol-branded merchandise is associated with initiation of alcohol use (McClure, Dal Cin, Gibson, & Sargent, 2006). Branding uses the ‘cultural capital’ of an audience to tap into shared understandings with humour, music, style and language.
»» Electronic media has had unparalleled growth, providing a new, and largely unregulated, means to promote alcohol products to a global audience. Alcohol product websites focus on youth-oriented images, including cartoons, animation, music videos and interactive games (often with prizes and incentives) that provide an attractive virtual playground for children and adolescents who easily bypass the age verification page. A range of alcohol beverage websites, which promote brands that are available in Australia, contain elements of strong appeal to young people, including music, extreme sports, arcade games, sexual innuendoes, and competitions to win alcohol products or other prizes (Carroll & Donovan, 2002).
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 4: Commercial Aspects of Alcohol 23
»» Sponsorship of sports, arts, music and other events offers alcohol companies a receptive audience that is primed to have a good time and a chance
that new consumers will trial the product. Alcohol brands are represented as part of the entertainment or sporting culture, thus consolidating the
association between the product and all the positive effects of having a good time. Alcohol sports sponsorship reinforces sexual stereotyping and links masculinity with sports and alcohol consumption, particularly in young males who are most likely to drink at riskier levels. In turn, alcohol products are embedded into enjoyable leisure activities through the event name, results (eg, Cup, medal, prize with sponsor’s name) and commentary of sporting events. Sponsorship by alcohol companies also enhances the perception that the alcohol industry is ‘a good corporate citizen’, with a genuine interest in promoting a healthy sports-oriented lifestyle.
- Placement
Alcohol products and promotional materials are carefully positioned to gain optimal exposure. This includes:
»» point-of-sale materials, such as posters, display bins, billboards and price tickets placed inside or outside premises
»» alcohol-branded functional items, such as beer mats, bar towels, T-shirts and caps worn by staff
»» product placement during films and television programs, and in the lyrics of popular music.
Approximately 70 per cent of consumers’ final purchase decisions are made within the store and point-of-sale marketing, which is known to increase sales substantially (2-64% increase) (Beverage Industry, 2001), is seen increasingly as the final critical moment of the purchasing decision that leads to a first-time purchase (Isoline & Macomber, 2002). This type of marketing is less regulated than traditional formats, less subject to individual control (e.g. consumers cannot switch channels or turn a page), and colourful displays in high traffic areas targets consumers at the place
of purchase, thereby reinforcing previous advertising messages and playing on impulsivity (Howard, Flora, Schleicher, & Gonzalez, 2004).
More than 40 per cent of all glass-door display fridges in Australian bottle shops (Central Coast, NSW) are dedicated to RTDs (Smith et al., 2005). Supplied free by the alcohol industry, fridges are to be used exclusively for their products and displayed in a prominent position that is visible from outside the store. This is an example of ‘bracket creep’, whereby advertising that is aimed at one target group impacts on another younger group, thereby expanding the target age group to include younger ‘new’ drinkers.
24 Chapter 4: Commercial Aspects of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Ambient advertising is unmeasured advertising, which features pervasively and prominently on billboards, bus shelters, buses and trains, where exposure to children and adolescents is high. An examination of the density of outdoor alcohol advertising situated within 1,500 feet of 63 Chicago schools showed an association between high density of outdoor ads and increasing subsequent intentions to use alcohol in Grade 6 students, even among non-users of alcohol (Pasch et al., 2007).
Product placement in films, television shows, and sports or music events is largely unregulated and unmonitored and alcohol companies pay for prominent placement of brands in films and television (Casswell & Maxwell, 2005). Positive messages of social, sexual, emotional or financial reward associated with alcohol are portrayed in music that appeals strongly to young people (Primack, Dalton, Carroll, Agarwal, & Fine, 2008). Surveys of UK television programs have shown up to 19 alcohol-related behaviours per hour of programming (Verma, Adams, & White, 2007) and seven drinking scenes per hour in soap operas (Hansen, 2003). Alcohol use is typically portrayed as part of a normal lifestyle, with little or no negative consequences associated with getting drunk or drinking at risky levels. Similarly, alcohol imagery in prime-time television (including programs, advertisements and community service messages) in New Zealand (McGee, Ketchel, & Reeder, 2007) was depicted primarily in positive or neutral terms, with 8 per cent of depictions showing negative consequences.
- Price
Price of alcohol beverages, particularly at the point of sale, has an impact on young people’s choice of beverage and quantity consumed. Promotional activities, such as ‘happy hour’ and special price promotions, have been associated with increased consumption during the promotion period in bars around US campuses (Kuo, Wechsler, Greenberg, & Lee, 2003) and in British pubs (MCM Research, 2004). Similar opportunities for discounted drinks are also available commonly in licensed outlets across Australia.
Discounted alcohol sold in supermarkets is thought to underlie the growth in ‘pre-loading’ among young people in UK (Addaction, 2007). Bar staff interviewed in pubs in Manchester, London and Nottingham generally agreed that heavily promoted discounted drinks and the practice of ‘up-selling’4 increased alcohol consumption (MCM Research, 2004). Young people interviewed in the same bars and pubs reported selecting drinking venues on the basis of the discounts and promotions on offer to ‘get the evening started’ (MCM Research, 2004, p. 15).
4 Up-selling refers to the practice of offering the customer an option to purchase more alcohol to get better value for money. For example, bar staff may suggest the customer purchase a bottle if they order two glasses of wine, on the basis that the bottle represents better value.
| The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 4: Commercial Aspects of Alcohol | 25 |
Young people tend to buy the higher alcohol content product as it provides more ‘bang for the buck’. They weigh up their own criteria, including cost-benefits, in deciding which alcohol products to purchase. The cheapest priced alcohol item is cask wine, which barely registers in young people’s consumption patterns (<1% males; 3% females) (King et al., 2005a). However, this data misses important sub-groups, such as the homeless, Indigenous and transient populations, who may be more cost-conscious, and may change in light of the recent changes in tax levies and their impact on the price of RTDs.
Policies on alcohol advertising
Alcohol advertising in Australia is currently self-regulated by the alcohol industry via the Australian Alcohol Beverages Advertising Code (ABAC). The stated aim of the ABAC Code is to ensure that alcohol advertising takes into account the need for responsibility and moderation in liquor merchandising and consumption and that it does not encourage consumption by underage persons. ABAC is operated by a Management Committee comprised of alcohol industry, advertising sector and Australian Government representatives. An Adjudication Panel deliberates on complaints lodged and the Panel’s Chief Adjudicator and members are appointed by the ABAC Management Committee.
Although the Code was revised in 2003 in response to new media developments and concern about its utility, there remain questions as to whether the complaints mechanism is effective (Donovan et al., 2007). A recent study assessed the frequency and content of alcohol advertisements and promotions in 93 magazines that are popular with young Australians (18-30 years) and evaluated the degree to which the ads complied with the ABAC guidelines (Donovan et al., 2007). Results showed that 52 per cent of the alcohol ads, including promotions and sponsorship, appeared to contravene at least one section of the Code. Moreover, 22 per cent were deemed to have strong appeal to children or adolescents.
The ABAC system depends upon complaints being made and upheld before advertisements are withdrawn. In 2006 a total of 53 complaints (relating to 26 adverts) were received by ABAC. The Panel considered that nine of these complaints fell within the Code and, ultimately, upheld two of the complaints. However, the time lag between complaints being made, reviewed, and subsequently upheld means the intended advertising period has usually finished.
A recent study, examining the effectiveness of the current ABAC system, found the Advertising Standards Board (ASB) may not adequately represent community
standards or protect the community from offensive or inappropriate advertisements; is ineffective in regulating one-off promotions and non-conventional forms of advertising such as the internet; and has inadequate processes for distinguishing
26 Chapter 4: Commercial Aspects of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
between the number of complaints received for particular advertisements (e.g. some advertisements might receive one complaint while others might receive numerous complaints) (Jones, Hall, & Munro, 2008).
It is further noted that ABAC does not address advertising and promotion of alcohol products in supermarkets as its application is limited to advertisements for publication and broadcast. ABAC also seeks to limit its liability in relation to the activities of retail companies and other third parties. Moreover, because the code is entirely voluntary, there is no means of forcing retailers to comply – a fundamental limitation of self-regulation.
Not all forms of marketing and promotions can be addressed by the ABAC Code. These activities either remain unregulated or fall under different codes or other legislation which vary by jurisdiction.
A major form of unmeasured marketing includes promotions conducted on licensed premises. Such promotions include provision of low cost or free drinks (e.g. during ‘happy hour’ promotions) or giveaways and prizes. A recent NSW study found that despite the existence of a Code of Practice for Responsible Promotion of Liquor Products there were numerous examples of promotions that breached both the spirit and letter of this Code (Jones & Lynch, 2007). For example, the researchers found that a number of promotions which offered free entry for university students, ‘student happy hours’ and free transport from university campuses to venues and between venues all had the potential to encourage young people to drink at risky levels (Jones & Lynch, 2007).
It is unclear at present to what degree current liquor licensing legislation and the Codes of Practice for Responsible Promotion of Liquor Products across different jurisdictions adequately address: Point-of-Sale advertising; promotions on licensed premises including discounted prices, merchandise and give-aways; and require the education and training of staff in the responsible service of alcohol. There is a need to review existing State and Territory Liquor Licensing legislation and related codes to assess their adequacy, consistency, and the comprehensiveness of their coverage.
As many alcohol-related promotional activities fall under the control of liquor license legislation, questions arise regarding the level of enforcement of such legislation. This issue is of particular importance as it is often a responsibility that is divided between police and liquor licensing authorities. Such divided responsibility can create role ambiguity and the scope for inappropriate promotional activities to go undetected or to fall between the cracks. Where such responsibility largely falls
to police, concern has been raised about the adequacy of available resources to deal with the complex range of monitoring activities involved, especially where responsible service of alcohol codes are involved.
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 4: Commercial Aspects of Alcohol 27
28 Chapter 4: Commercial Aspects of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Chapter 5:
Consumption
and Risky Use
Key points
»» The majority of Australians (over 80%) consumed an alcoholic drink in the last 12 months.
»» The age of initiation has decreased over time: over 50 per cent have consumed alcohol by the age of 14.
»» The current (2001) alcohol guidelines define consumption levels associated with risk of short- and long-term harms.
»» 61 per cent of alcohol consumed in Australia is estimated to be drunk at risky levels at least occasionally.
»» Risky and high risk drinking is most prevalent among Australians aged 20-29 years.
»» The prevalence of risky and high risk drinking has remained relatively stable from 2001 to 2007.
»» New alcohol guidelines were released in 2009.
This chapter provides information about the patterns and levels of alcohol use and risky drinking in Australia. Data is drawn from various sources, using the most recent and reliable sources where possible. Where the National Drug Strategy Household Survey (NDSHS) data are used, data may be cited from 2001, 2004 or
2007 depending on what data is available for different purposes and what analyses have been undertaken for each wave of the NDSHS.
Information is also provided about what constitutes a standard drink and how the Australian Drinking Guidelines define risky drinking.
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use 29
* Please note that for the data presented below, definitions of risky drinking are used from the old 2001 National Health and Medical Council (NHMRC) guidelines (see Appendix 1), as these definitions were used to provide the cutpoints for risky and high risk drinking in the 2001, 2004 and 2007 NDSHS survey data. In 2009 the new NHMRC Guidelines were released and the NDSHS data will be analysed at a later point using the 2009 cutpoints. The new NHMRC guidelines may be found at http://www.nhmrc.gov.au/publications/synopses/_files/ds10-alcohol.pdf and contain the following provisions:
The 2009 NHMRC Alcohol Guidelines
(also see pp 44-46)
Guideline 1. Reducing the risk of alcohol-related harm over a lifetime
For healthy men and women, drinking no more than 2 standard drinks on any day reduces the lifetime risk of harm from alcohol-related disease or injury.
Guideline 2. Reducing the risk of injury on a single occasion of drinking
For healthy men and women, drinking no more than 4 standard drinks on a single occasion reduces the risk of alcohol-related injury arising from that occasion.
Guideline 3. Children and young people under 18 years of age
For children and young people under 18 years of age, not drinking is the safest option.
»» Parents and carers should be advised that children under 15 years of age are at greatest risk of harm from drinking and that for this age group, not drinking is especially important.
»» For young people aged 15-17 years, the safest option is to delay the initiation of drinking for as long as possible.
Guideline 4. Pregnancy and breastfeeding
Maternal alcohol consumption can harm the developing fetus or breastfeeding baby. For women who are pregnant or planning a pregnancy, not drinking is the safest option. For women who are breastfeeding, not drinking is the safest option. (National Health and Medical Research Council, 2009)
NCETA has prepared a four page summary overview of the 2009 guidelines called ‘Making Sense of Australia’s Alcohol Guidelines’. It can be accessed at
www.nceta.flinders.edu.au. However, as the new guidelines were not available at the time that the following data analyses were undertaken, the following data is based on the 2001 NHMRC guidelines.
30 Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Prevalence
The majority of Australians aged 14 years or over have tried alcohol, and many continue to drink throughout the lifespan:
»» around 90 per cent have tried alcohol in their lifetime; and
»» over 80 per cent have consumed an alcoholic drink in the past 12 months (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2008).
Standard drinks
Alcohol consumption is usually measured according to standard drinks. The standard drink equivalents for alcoholic beverages are shown in Table 5.1.
Table 5.1 Number of Australian standard drinks in common containers of various alcoholic beverages (National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC), 2009)
| Alcoholic beverage | Standard drinks | |
| Low strength beer (2.7% alcohol) | ||
| 1 can or stubbie | = | 0.8 standard drinks |
| 285mL glass | = | 0.6 standard drinks |
| 425mL glass | = | 0.9 standard drinks |
| Slab of 24x375mL cans or stubbies | = | 19 standard drinks |
| Mid strength beer light beer (3.5% alcohol): | ||
| 1 can or stubbie | = | 1 standard drink |
| 285mL glass | = | 0.8 standard drinks |
| 425mL glass | = | 1.2 standard drinks |
| Slab of 24x375mL cans or stubbies | = | 24 standard drinks |
| Full strength beer (4.9% alcohol) (includes diet beer): | ||
| 1 can or stubbie | = | 1.4 standard drinks |
| 285mL glass | = | 1.1 standard drinks |
| 425mL glass | = | 1.6 standard drinks |
| Slab of 24x375mL cans or stubbies | = | 34 standard drinks |
| Wine (9.5%–13% alcohol): | ||
| 100 mL glass | = | 1 standard drink |
| Average restaurant serving (150mL) | = | 1.4–1.6 standard drinks |
| 750mL bottle | = 7 to 8 standard drinks | |
| 4-litre cask | = 36 to 43 standard drinks | |
| Spirits (37%–40%): | ||
| 1 nip (30 mL) | = | 1 standard drink |
| 700mL bottle | = | 22 standard drinks |
| Pre-mixed spirits (5%–7% alcohol): | ||
| 1 can (375 mL) | = | 1.5−2.1 standard drinks |
| 1 275mL bottle | = | 1.1–1.5 standard drinks |
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use 31
Initiation to alcohol use
The percentage of young people who have consumed a full serve of alcohol is shown in Figure 5.1 by age and gender (data from 2004 NDSHS). Young people were most commonly supplied their first drink of alcohol by a friend or acquaintance (43%), followed by their parents (35%).
| 100 | |||||||||||||
| alcohol | 90 | ||||||||||||
| 80 | |||||||||||||
| 70 | |||||||||||||
| of | 60 | ||||||||||||
| serve | |||||||||||||
| 50 | |||||||||||||
| full | 40 | ||||||||||||
| Had | 30 | ||||||||||||
| 20 | |||||||||||||
| % | |||||||||||||
| 10 | |||||||||||||
| 0 | |||||||||||||
| 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 |
Age (years)
Males Females
Figure 5.1 Percentage of young people who have had a full serve of alcohol, by age and gender (data from 2004 NDSHS) (Roche et al., 2007).
The age of initiation of alcohol consumption has decreased over time (see Figure 5.2). For each successive generation (defined here in 10-year age-bands) over the past 50 years, initiation into drinking has occurred at earlier and earlier ages. For example, by the age of 14, over twice as many young people aged 20-29 have consumed alcohol compared to 40-49 and 50-59 year olds.
»» less than 20 per cent of today’s population aged over 60 had drunk a full glass of alcohol at 16 years of age
»» this contrasts with nearly 70 per cent of the population currently aged between 20 and 29 years who had drunk a full glass of alcohol by the time they were 16 years old.
32 Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
| 100% | ||||||||||||
| 90% | 20 to 29 | |||||||||||
| 80% | 30 to 39 | |||||||||||
| 40 to 49 | ||||||||||||
| Percentage | 70% | 50 to 59 | ||||||||||
| 60+ | ||||||||||||
| 60% | ||||||||||||
| 50% | ||||||||||||
| Cumulative | ||||||||||||
| 40% | ||||||||||||
| 30% | ||||||||||||
| 20% | ||||||||||||
| 10% | ||||||||||||
| 0% | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | |
| 9 |
Age of First Full Serve of Alcohol
Figure 5.2 Reported age of first full serve of alcohol, by age cohort (Roche et al., 2007)
Note: Dashed line indicates the age alcohol purchase and consumption on licensed premises becomes legal in Australia (e.g. 18 years).
Earlier initiation of alcohol use has been associated with:
»» increased risky drinking at a later age
(DeWit, Adlaf, Offord, & Ogborne, 2000; Grant & Dawson, 1997; Grant, Stinson, & Harford, 2001; Pedersen & Skrondal, 1998; Pitkanen, Lyyra, & Pulkkinen, 2005; Young, Hansen, Gibson, & Ryan, 2006)
»» increased risk of later dependence, and
(Grant, 1998; Grant & Dawson, 1997; Grant et al., 2001; Hingson, Heeren, & Winter, 2006)
»» greater social and mental health issues
(McGue, Iacono, Legrand, Malone, & Elkins, 2001; Swahn, Bossarte, & Sullivent, 2008).
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use 33
Type of alcohol consumed
Table 5.2 shows the amount of alcohol available for consumption in Australia in the financial year 2005-2006, and the apparent consumption per person for that year (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2007a). Beer is the most commonly consumed form of alcohol, followed by wine, and then spirits; 12 per cent of beer consumed in 2005-2006 was low strength beer (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2007a).
Table 5.2 Alcohol available for consumption, and apparent consumption for the financial year 2005-2006 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2007a)
| Available for consumption1 | ‘000 L of pure alcohol |
| Beer | 75,371 |
| Wine | 51,320 |
| Spirit | 35,537 |
| Total | 162,227 |
| Apparent consumption2 | L of pure alcohol per person per year |
| Beer | 4.57 |
| Wine | 3.11 |
| Spirit | 2.15 |
| Total | 9.84 |
- Alcohol available for consumption includes estimates of imported alcohol, domestically produced alcohol, and home production.
- Apparent per person consumption data are calculated by dividing the quantity available for consumption by the population of persons aged 15 years and over.
Beverage preferences
Males most commonly consume regular strength beer (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2005b). Premixed spirits in a can are also commonly consumed by males aged 14-19, and bottled wine is also commonly consumed by males aged 40 years and older (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2005b).
Females aged 30 years and older most commonly consume bottled wine. Females aged 14–29 years most commonly consume bottled spirits, liqueurs, and premixed spirits in a bottle (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2005b).
Of the three types of alcohol displayed in Figure 5.3, wine showed the greatest increase in consumption over the last 40 years (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2007a). Between the mid-1960s and the mid-1980s, consumption of wine increased almost fourfold, peaking at 21.6 litres per person in 1985–86. Since the late 1980s the total amount of wine consumed per person per year has ranged between 18 and 21 litres per person.
34 Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Relative to wine, consumption of beer and spirits by the Australian population has remained more stable over time (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2007a).
| Index | |||||||
| 450 | |||||||
| 400 | Wine | ||||||
| 350 | |||||||
| Beer | |||||||
| 300 | Spirits | ||||||
| Pure alcohol | |||||||
| 250 | |||||||
| 200 | |||||||
| 150 | |||||||
| 100 | |||||||
| 50 | |||||||
| 0 | |||||||
| 1965 | 1970 | 1975 | 1980 | 1985 | 1990 | 1995 | 2000 |
Year ending 30 June
Figure 5.3 Indices of alcohol consumption: Australia, 1964-65 to 2002-03
Note. 1964-65 indexed to 100. Thus, the index indicates the percentage of consumption in 1964-65 (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2007a).
Where alcohol is consumed
Table 5.3 shows the places where alcohol is most commonly consumed (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2005b). Private dwellings (at home, at a friend’s house, at a private party) were more common than public locations such as licensed premises, and restaurants/cafes.
Table 5.3 Locations where alcohol is usually consumed (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2005b)
| Location | % who usually consume alcohol at that location |
| In my home | 83.0 |
| At friend’s house | 56.1 |
| At licensed premises | 52.5 |
| At restaurants/cafes | 52.0 |
| At private parties | 48.0 |
| At workplace | 6.1 |
| At raves/dance parties | 5.4 |
| In public places | 3.2 |
| In a car | 2.6 |
| At school/TAFE/university etc. | 1.3 |
| Somewhere else | 2.4 |
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use 35
Alcohol use by sex
The alcohol drinking status of Australians aged 14 years or older varied considerably between males and females (Table 5.4).
Table 5.4 Alcohol drinking status: proportion of the population aged 14 years or older, by sex, Australia, 2007 (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2008)
| Drinking status | Males (%) | Females (%) | Persons (%) |
| Daily | 10.8 | 5.5 | 8.1 |
| Weekly | 46.8 | 35.9 | 41.3 |
| Less than weekly | 28.3 | 38.5 | 33.5 |
| Ex-drinker1 | 5.8 | 8.1 | 7.0 |
| Never a full glass | 8.2 | 12.1 | 10.1 |
1 Has consumed at least a full serve of alcohol, but not in the previous 12 months
»» in 2007, males (10.8%) were almost twice as likely as females (5.5%) to drink daily
»» the proportion of the population who consumed alcohol daily declined significantly between 2004 (8.9%) and 2007 (8.1%)
»» between 2004 and 2007, weekly drinking increased marginally (from 41.2% to 41.3%) driven by an increase in weekly drinking by females (from 35.0% to 35.9%) contrary to a decline for males (from 47.6% to 46.8%)
»» the proportions of Australians aged 14 years or older abstaining from alcohol (never had a full serve of alcohol) increased significantly between 2004 (9.3%) and 2007 (10.1%), with a greater change seen among males than females, proportionately and absolutely.
36 Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Alcohol use by age
The proportion of daily drinkers increased with age; the peak for daily drinkers was for those aged 60 years or older, and the peak for less-than-weekly drinkers was among teenagers (Table 5.5).
Table 5.5 Alcohol drinking status: proportion of the population aged 14 years or older, by age and sex, Australia, 2007 (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2008)
| Drinking status | Age group | ||||||
| 14-19 | 20-29 | 30-39 | 40-49 | 50-59 | 60+ | 14+ | |
| Males (%) | |||||||
| Daily | 1.4 | 2.8 | 6.1 | 11.4 | 15.9 | 21.4 | 10.8 |
| Weekly | 23.0 | 55.7 | 54.8 | 51.0 | 49.6 | 39.2 | 46.8 |
| Less than weekly | 46.4 | 30.3 | 28.2 | 26.7 | 24.5 | 22.1 | 28.3 |
| Recent drinker | 70.8 | 88.9 | 89.1 | 89.2 | 90.1 | 82.7 | 86.0 |
| Ex-drinker | 3.3 | 2.8 | 5.2 | 5.7 | 5.7 | 10.3 | 5.8 |
| Never a full serve | 25.9 | 8.3 | 5.7 | 5.1 | 4.2 | 7.0 | 8.2 |
| Females (%) | |||||||
| Daily | 0.5 | 1.7 | 3.0 | 5.6 | 7.8 | 10.5 | 5.5 |
| Weekly | 18.8 | 39.6 | 40.4 | 42.7 | 38.0 | 30.6 | 35.9 |
| Less than weekly | 52.0 | 44.0 | 43.1 | 37.7 | 36.2 | 27.8 | 38.5 |
| Recent drinker | 71.3 | 85.2 | 86.5 | 86.1 | 81.9 | 68.9 | 79.9 |
| Ex-drinker | 2.6 | 5.8 | 6.4 | 6.2 | 8.4 | 14.2 | 8.1 |
| Never a full serve | 26.1 | 8.9 | 7.0 | 7.8 | 9.7 | 16.9 | 12.1 |
| Persons (%) | |||||||
| Daily | 1.0 | 2.3 | 4.6 | 8.5 | 11.8 | 15.6 | 8.1 |
| Weekly | 20.9 | 47.8 | 47.5 | 46.8 | 43.8 | 34.6 | 41.3 |
| Less than weekly | 49.1 | 37.0 | 35.7 | 32.3 | 30.4 | 25.1 | 33.5 |
| Recent drinker | 71.0 | 87.1 | 87.8 | 87.6 | 86.0 | 75.3 | 82.9 |
| Ex-drinker | 3.0 | 4.3 | 5.8 | 5.9 | 7.1 | 12.4 | 7.0 |
| Never a full serve | 26.0 | 8.6 | 6.3 | 6.5 | 7.0 | 12.3 | 10.1 |
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use 37
In 2007, a greater proportion of males than females (aged 14 years or older) drank daily, for all age groups tabulated. The proportion of males was twice or more than that for females for all age groups except 20–29-year-olds. For all age groups, drinking alcohol (daily, weekly or less than weekly) was more prevalent than not drinking alcohol. Only for teenagers (71.0%) and those aged 60 years or older (75.3%) was the prevalence of drinking alcohol less than the population average of 82.9 per cent.
For all age groups, a greater proportion of females than males consumed alcohol less than weekly.
Children and young people
The 2002 national survey on the use of alcohol by Australian secondary school students (White & Hayman, 2004) found that experience with alcohol was high among secondary school students. Alcohol consumption became more common as age increased:
»» by the age of 14, around 90 per cent of students had tried alcohol
»» by the age of 17, around 70 per cent of students had consumed alcohol in the month prior to the survey; and
»» the proportion of students drinking in the week prior to the survey increased with age from 19 per cent of 12-year-olds to reach a peak of 50 per cent among 17-year-olds.
Rates of drinking above NHMRC 2001 guideline levels among 14–19 year-olds are similar to the rates for the general population — about 9 per cent for alcohol-related disease risk (long-term harm) and 39 per cent for accident and injury risk (short-term harm) (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2008).
People in the 20–29 year age group show the riskiest drinking profile. About 60 per cent of this group drink above NHMRC 2001 guideline levels for short-term risk and about 16 per cent drink above NHMRC 2001 guideline levels for alcohol-related diseases (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2008). Among school students aged 16–17 years who report drinking in the past week, there has been a slight increase in numbers drinking above NHMRC 2001 guideline levels for accidents and injuries (White & Hayman, 2004). This may be because of changes in the type of alcohol young people are drinking.
38 Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
The 2002 survey found that among male adolescent drinkers, the proportion consuming beer decreased while consumption of spirits, in either un-premixed or premixed form, increased. Among adolescent female drinkers, the proportion drinking premixed spirits as opposed to un-premixed spirits increased significantly (White & Hayman, 2004).
Young people are discussed in more detail in Chapter 11.
Older people
Although older people tend to consume less alcohol at any one session than younger people, they are more likely to drink every day. About 11 per cent of people aged 60 years or more drink above NHMRC 2001 guideline levels for accidents and injuries; about 6 per cent drink above NHMRC 2001 guideline levels for alcohol-related disease risks (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2008).
Pregnant women
Recent data show that 59 per cent of Australian women drank alcohol at some time during their pregnancy (Colvin, Payne, Parsons, et al., 2007). Furthermore, 14 per cent reported drinking five or more drinks on an occasion in the three months prior to pregnancy (Colvin et al., 2007). However, many women elect to abstain from alcohol some time during pregnancy — 58 per cent during the first and second trimester and 54 per cent in the third trimester (Colvin et al., 2007). In the first trimester, 15 per cent of women surveyed drank above the NHMRC 2001 guidelines and this proportion decreased to 10 per cent in the second and third trimesters (Colvin et al., 2007). In a recent national survey, 34 per cent of women had drunk alcohol during their last pregnancy and 24 per cent indicated they would drink in a future pregnancy, despite knowledge of the adverse effects of alcohol and the fact that 78 per cent believed that reducing or ceasing alcohol intake in pregnancy may benefit their baby (Peadon, Payne, Henley, et al., 2007)5.
| 5 National Health and Medical Research Council, 2009. | |
| The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use | 39 |
People from Culturally and Linguistically
Diverse backgrounds
People whose main language spoken at home is English are more likely to drink alcohol than those whose main language spoken at home is not English (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2005a).
Prevalence of risky and high risk consumption in Australia
Almost two thirds (61%) of alcohol is estimated to be consumed at risky levels in Australia – that is, during occasions when consumption exceeds levels designated as risky or high risk (Stockwell, Donath, Cooper-Stanbury et al., 2004).
The 2007 National Drug Strategy Household Survey (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2008) found that:
»» of all Australians aged 14 years or over, almost half (48%) reported drinking alcohol at or below NHMRC 2001 guideline levels for short-term harm
»» about one-third (35%) of people drank above NHMRC 2001 guideline levels on at least one occasion in the 12 months before the survey
»» most Australians aged 14 years or over (72%) reported drinking at or below NHMRC 2001 guideline levels to reduce the risk of alcohol-related diseases
»» about 10 per cent reported drinking above NHMRC 2001 guideline levels.
The proportion of Australians drinking at short-term risk levels varies according to age and gender (Table 5.6).
40 Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Table 5.6 Alcohol consumption, risk of harm in the short term: proportion of the population aged 14 years or older, by age and sex, Australia, 2007 (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2008)
| Age group | Abstainers(a) | Low Risk | Risky and high risk(b) | ||
| At least | At least | At least | |||
| yearly | monthly | weekly | |||
| Males (%) | |||||
| 14–19 | 29.2 | 33.4 | 12.9 | 15.7 | 8.8 |
| 20–29 | 11.1 | 26.1 | 19.0 | 26.6 | 17.2 |
| 30–39 | 10.9 | 40.6 | 21.1 | 17.5 | 10.0 |
| 40–49 | 10.8 | 47.0 | 18.9 | 14.5 | 8.7 |
| 50–59 | 9.9 | 59.4 | 12.9 | 9.5 | 8.2 |
| 60+ | 17.3 | 67.8 | 6.4 | 4.5 | 4.0 |
| 14+ | 14.0 | 47.2 | 15.1 | 14.3 | 9.3 |
| Females (%) | |||||
| 14–19 | 28.7 | 30.1 | 12.9 | 18.8 | 9.5 |
| 20–29 | 14.8 | 29.2 | 20.7 | 23.1 | 12.2 |
| 30–39 | 13.5 | 46.9 | 19.5 | 13.3 | 6.8 |
| 40–49 | 13.9 | 53.4 | 16.2 | 10.2 | 6.3 |
| 50–59 | 18.1 | 62.5 | 10.2 | 4.8 | 4.4 |
| 60+ | 31.1 | 61.3 | 3.9 | 2.1 | 1.5 |
| 14+ | 20.1 | 49.3 | 13.4 | 10.9 | 6.2 |
| Persons (%) | |||||
| 14–19 | 29.0 | 31.8 | 12.9 | 17.2 | 9.1 |
| 20–29 | 12.9 | 27.6 | 19.8 | 24.9 | 14.7 |
| 30–39 | 12.2 | 43.8 | 20.3 | 15.3 | 8.4 |
| 40–49 | 12.4 | 50.2 | 17.6 | 12.3 | 7.5 |
| 50–59 | 14.0 | 61.0 | 11.6 | 7.1 | 6.3 |
| 60+ | 24.7 | 64.3 | 5.1 | 3.2 | 2.7 |
| 14+ | 17.1 | 48.3 | 14.2 | 12.6 | 7.8 |
- Not consumed alcohol in the previous 12 months.
- For males, the consumption of 7 or more standard drinks on any one day. For females, the consumption of 5 or more standard drinks on any one day.
Notes
- Respondents that have been coded ‘Can’t say/No answer’ to all relevant alcohol questions are assumed to be low-risk drinkers for this alcohol risk analysis.
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use 41
The proportion of Australians drinking at long-term risk levels varies according to age and gender (Table 5.7).
Table 5.7 Alcohol consumption, risk of harm in the long term: proportion of the population aged 14 years or older, by age and sex, Australia, 2007 (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2008)
| Age group | Abstainers(a) | Level of risk(b) | ||
| Low risk | Risky | High risk | ||
| Males (%) | ||||
| 14–19 | 29.2 | 63.7 | 4.4 | 2.6 |
| 20–29 | 11.1 | 73.4 | 9.3 | 6.2 |
| 30–39 | 10.9 | 79.2 | 6.2 | 3.7 |
| 40–49 | 10.8 | 79.6 | 6.0 | 3.5 |
| 50–59 | 9.9 | 78.9 | 6.1 | 5.1 |
| 60+ | 17.3 | 75.3 | 4.9 | 2.5 |
| 14+ | 14.0 | 75.8 | 6.2 | 3.9 |
| Females (%) | ||||
| 14–19 | 28.7 | 60.7 | 6.7 | 3.9 |
| 20–29 | 14.8 | 68.8 | 11.0 | 5.4 |
| 30–39 | 13.5 | 75.8 | 7.7 | 3.0 |
| 40–49 | 13.9 | 74.1 | 9.3 | 2.6 |
| 50–59 | 18.1 | 72.3 | 6.9 | 2.7 |
| 60+ | 31.1 | 63.4 | 4.7 | 0.8 |
| 14+ | 20.1 | 69.4 | 7.6 | 2.8 |
| Persons (%) | ||||
| 14–19 | 29.0 | 62.2 | 5.6 | 3.2 |
| 20–29 | 12.9 | 71.1 | 10.2 | 5.8 |
| 30–39 | 12.2 | 77.5 | 7.0 | 3.3 |
| 40–49 | 12.4 | 76.8 | 7.7 | 3.1 |
| 50–59 | 14.0 | 75.6 | 6.5 | 3.9 |
| 60+ | 24.7 | 68.9 | 4.8 | 1.6 |
| 14+ | 17.1 | 72.6 | 6.9 | 3.4 |
- Not consumed alcohol in the previous 12 months.
- For males, the consumption of up to 28 standard drinks per week is considered ‘Low risk’, 29 to 42 per week ‘Risky’, and 43 or more per week ‘High risk’. For females, the consumption of up to 14 standard drinks per week is considered ‘Low risk’, 15 to 28 per week ‘Risky’, and 29 or more per week ‘High risk’.
42 Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Long-term trends in risky and high risk alcohol use
National Drug Strategy Household Surveys (NDSHS) also indicate that national rates of short-term risky/high risk drinking (episodes of intoxication) have been fairly stable since 2001 (Figure 5.4).
| 70 | 2001 Persons | ||||
| 60 | 2004 Persons | ||||
| 2007 Persons | |||||
| 50 | |||||
| 40 | |||||
| 30 | |||||
| 20 | |||||
| 10 | |||||
| 0 | |||||
| 14-19 | 20-29 | 30-39 | 40-49 | 50-59 | 60+ |
Figure 5.4 Alcohol consumption at risky/high risk levels (at least yearly, monthly and weekly combined) for short-term harm: persons by age and year (%)
National rates of long-term risky/high risk drinking (regular and repeated elevated consumption) have been fairly stable (Figure 5.5). Small non-significant increases were observed between 2001 and 2007 for all age cohorts except the 14-19 year age group.
| 18 | 2001 Persons | ||||
| 16 | 2004 Persons | ||||
| 2007 Persons | |||||
| 14 | |||||
| 12 | |||||
| 10 | |||||
| 8 | |||||
| 6 | |||||
| 4 | |||||
| 2 | |||||
| 0 | |||||
| 14-19 | 20-29 | 30-39 | 40-49 | 50-59 | 60+ |
Figure 5.5 Alcohol consumption at risky/high risk levels for long-term harm: persons by age and year (%)
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use 43
Workforce
The 2001 Australian Alcohol Guidelines were useful for identifying sub populations where risky alcohol consumption was more prevalent. Recent research that examined alcohol consumption patterns among the Australian workforce indicated 44 per cent drank above NHMRC 2001 guideline levels at least occasionally (Berry et al., 2007).
Moreover, this level of consumption was more prevalent among particular occupational groups. Young workers, workers in blue-collar occupations, and workers employed in the hospitality, agriculture, manufacturing, construction, and retail industries were identified as at-risk groups (Berry, Pidd, Roche & Harrison, 2007; Pidd, Berry, Harrison et al., 2006; Pidd, Shtangey & Roche, 2008).
In addition, the burden of harm associated with the alcohol use of Australian workers is not restricted to those traditionally defined as ‘heavy’ or ‘problem’ drinkers. It has been estimated that in 2001, nearly 2,700,000 work days were lost due to workers’ alcohol use, at a cost of $437m (Pidd, Berry, Harrison et al., 2006; Pidd, Berry, Roche et al., 2006a). Workers who drank at risky and high risk levels infrequently or occasionally accounted for more than half of this alcohol-related absenteeism (Pidd, Berry, Harrison, et al., 2006; Pidd, Berry, Roche et al., 2006a; Roche, Pidd, Berry, & Harrison, 2008).
New Australian Alcohol Guidelines
The new 2009 Australian Alcohol Guidelines do not make as strong a differentiation between short- and long-term risk as the 2001 guidelines. Rather the new guidelines are based on projections of life time risk associated with increasing consumption
in general. The new guidelines are based on statistical modelling that found that consumption of alcohol at any level increases the risk of harm. It also provides evidence that drinking at levels higher than two standard drinks a day is associated with increased life-time risk of alcohol-related injury, disease and death and that consuming four or more drinks per day on a single occasion is associated with increased risk of injury. Table 5.8 shows the lifetime risk of alcohol-related death for drinking weekly or drinking daily. Figure 5.6 shows the lifetime risk of hospitalisation for males and Figure 5.7 shows the lifetime risk of hospitalisation for female drinkers.
44 Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Table 5.8 Lifetime risk of alcohol-related death associated with particular patterns of drinking (National Health and Medical Research Council, 2009)
Number of standard drinks
| Daily | Total risk | Death from | Death | Weekly | Total risk | Death from | Death |
| basis | of alcohol | alcohol- | from | basis | of alcohol | alcohol- | from |
| related | related | injury | related | related | injury | ||
| death | disease | death | disease | ||||
| Men (per 100 people) | |||||||
| 2 | 0.9 | 0.4 | 0.5 | 0.2 | 0.1 | 0.1 | |
| 4 | 4.2 | 2 | 2.2 | 0.8 | 0.3 | 0.4 | |
| 6 | 9 | 3.8 | 5.3 | 1.7 | 0.5 | 1.2 | |
| 8 | 14.8 | 5.1 | 9.7 | 3 | 0.7 | 2.3 | |
| Women (per 100 people) | |||||||
| 2 | 0.8 | 0.4 | 0.4 | 0.2 | 0.1 | <0.1 | |
| 4 | 3.8 | 2.5 | 1.3 | 0.7 | 0.4 | 0.3 | |
| 6 | 8.9 | 5.9 | 3 | 1.4 | 0.7 | 0.7 | |
| 8 | 13.7 | 8.4 | 5.3 | 2.3 | 0.9 | 1.4 | |
Note: The figures in this table represent the risks above the baseline (not drinking). Figures have been rounded to one decimal place and therefore may not add up..
| 45 | |||||||||
| 40 | Every day | ||||||||
| drinkers | 30 | 5 times a week | |||||||
| 35 | |||||||||
| 3 times a week | |||||||||
| 100 | 25 | Weekly | |||||||
| per | |||||||||
| 20 | |||||||||
| risk | |||||||||
| Lifetime | 15 | 100 | Once a month | ||||||
| 10 | Twice a month | ||||||||
| 5 | in | ||||||||
| 1 | Twice a year | ||||||||
| 0 | |||||||||
| 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 |
Standard drinks
Figure 5.6 Lifetime risk of hospitalisation for alcohol-related injury per 100 male drinkers by number of standard drinks per occasion and frequency of occasions (National Health and Medical Research Council, 2009)
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use 45
| 45 | |||||||||
| 40 | |||||||||
| drinkers | 35 | ||||||||
| 30 | |||||||||
| 100 | 25 | ||||||||
| per | |||||||||
| 20 | |||||||||
| risk | |||||||||
| Lifetime | 15 | ||||||||
| 10 | 100 | ||||||||
| 5 | in | ||||||||
| 1 | |||||||||
| 0 | |||||||||
| 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | ||
| Standard drinks | |||||||||
Every day
5 times a week
3 times a week
Weekly
Twice a month Once a month
Twice a year
Figure 5.7 Lifetime risk of hospitalisation for alcohol-related injury per 100 female drinkers, by number of standard drinks per occasion and frequency of occasions (National Health and Medical Research Council, 2009)
46 Chapter 5: Consumption and Risky Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Chapter 6:
Costs of Alcohol Use
Key points
»» Tangible and intangible costs of alcohol use in 2004/05 exceeded $15b.
»» The costs of alcohol use are associated with low risk drinking and infrequent risky drinking as well as frequent risky drinking.
»» Over one third of the costs associated with alcohol use results from lost workplace production.
»» The alcohol-related revenue received by the Federal government exceeds alcohol-related expenditure.
The most comprehensive estimations of the tangible and intangible economic costs of alcohol use are provided by a series of studies6 conducted by Collins and Lapsley (1991, 1996, 2002, 2008). The most recent of these studies (Collins & Lapsley, 2008) provides an estimate of the economic costs for the financial year 2004/05. In all their estimations, Collins and Lapsley adopted a conservative approach where lower cost alternatives were selected when appropriate alternatives existed.
Definitions of cost
Tangible costs are defined by Collins and Lapsley (2008) as:
The value of the net resources which in a given year are unavailable to the community for consumption or investment purposes as a result of the effects of past and present drug abuse… (p 3)
Intangible costs are defined by Collins and Lapsley (1991) as:
…those that when reduced will not yield resources to the community for consumption or investment. These costs are important but they do not represent a call on the productive resources of the community. (p 49)
6 As a result of recent revisions to the underlying epidemiological information concerning the health effects of alcohol, it is not possible to make a comparison of alcohol costs over time.
| The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 6: Costs of Alcohol Use | 47 |
Economic cost of alcohol use 2004/05
The total tangible and intangible cost of alcohol use in 2004/05, compared to the costs of all drugs combined are presented in Table 6.1. Alcohol use accounted for 27.3 per cent of the costs of all drugs combined (alcohol, tobacco and illicit drugs). Details of intangible costs are outlined in Table 6.2.
Table 6.1 Total social costs of alcohol use, 2004/05
| Costs | Alcohol ($m) | All drugs ($m) |
| Tangible costs | 10,829.5 | 30,828.9 |
| Intangible costs | 4,488.7 | 25,222.9 |
| Total costs | 15,318.2 | 56,051.8 |
| Proportion of total | 27.3% | 100.0% |
Source: Collins & Lapsley, 2008
Table 6.2 Intangible social costs of alcohol use, 2004/05
| Intangible costs | Alcohol ($m) | All drugs ($m) |
| Loss of life | 4,135.0 | 24,799.5 |
| Pain and suffering* | 353.6 | 423.4 |
| Total intangible costs | 4,488.7 | 25,222.9 |
| Proportion of total | 17.8% | 100.0% |
* Road accidents.
Source: Collins & Lapsley, 2008
The costs associated with alcohol use are not restricted to alcoholics, or regular heavy drinkers. Rather, costs are incurred across the full range of drinking patterns. This is illustrated in a breakdown of workplace alcohol-related absenteeism costs using Australian Alcohol Guidelines (National Health and Medical Research Council, 2001) for levels of consumption associated with risk of harms (Table 6.3). Nearly 50 per cent of the total costs associated with alcohol-related absenteeism are due to low risk drinkers and those who drink at risky or high risk levels only occasionally.
Loss of production in the workplace forms the largest proportion of the costs associated with alcohol use (see Figure 6.1).
48 Chapter 6: Costs of Alcohol Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
| $4,000 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| $3,579 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| $3,500 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| $3,000 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| $2,500 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| $1,977 | $2,202 | ||||||||||||||||||||
| $2,000 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| $1,612 | $1,571 | ||||||||||||||||||||
| $1,500 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| $1,000 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| $500 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| $0 | |||||||||||||||||||||
| Crime | Health (net) | Production in | Production in | Road | |||||||||||||||||
| the workplace | the home | accidents | |||||||||||||||||||
Figure 6.1 Main categories of alcohol use costs ($millions) for 2004/2005 (Collins & Lapsley, 2008)
Table 6.3 Self-reported alcohol-related absenteeism in the previous 12 months by drinking risk category for employed respondents to the 2001 National Drug Strategy Household Survey
| Short-term risk | Estimated | Total alcohol-related | Total cost ** |
| population* | absenteeism for | ||
| estimated population | |||
| Abstainers | 641,962 | 0 | 0 |
| Low risk | 3,261,254 | 491,763 | $80,060,000 |
| Risky (at least yearly) | 753,038 | 133,114 | $21,670,000 |
| High risk (at least yearly) | 507,982 | 187,858 | $30,590,000 |
| Risky (at least monthly) | 759,435 | 327,124 | $53,260,000 |
| High risk (at least monthly) | 457,470 | 343,874 | $55,990,000 |
| Risky (at least weekly) | 345,198 | 452,017 | $73,590,000 |
| High risk (at least weekly) | 228,768 | 747,115 | $121,600,000 |
| Total*** | 6,955,107 | 2,682,865 | $437,000,000 |
| Long-term risk | |||
| Abstainers | 641,962 | 0 | 0 |
| Low risk | 5,507,727 | 1,304,227 | $212,000,000 |
| Risky | 597,867 | 815,778 | $133,000,000) |
| High risk | 207,551 | 562,860 | $91,600,000 |
| Total*** | 6,995,107 | 2,682,865 | $437,000,000 |
- Based on 12,449 employed respondents to the 2001 NDSHS.
- Based on the 2001 average daily wage of $135.68 + 20% on-cost ($27.13).
- The totals for short-term and long-term risk are the same as they are the same population grouped according to different risk (e.g., short- or long-term) categories of drinking. Source: Pidd, Berry & Roche (2006b)
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 6: Costs of Alcohol Use 49
Who bears the cost?
The majority of the tangible costs associated with alcohol use are borne by business, as shown in Figure 6.2.
| Government | Households |
| $2,923 | $2,558 |
Business
$5,576
Figure 6.2 Economic cost ($millions) of alcohol use in 2004/05 borne by each sector of the community (Collins & Lapsley, 2008)
Further details on the costs borne by each sector of the community are outlined in Table 6.4.
Table 6.4 Breakdown of costs of alcohol use borne by each sector of the community 2004/05
| Households | Business | Government | Total | ||
| ($m) | ($m) | ($m) | ($m) | ||
| Workforce labour | 0.0 | 2,811.9 | 766.6 | 3,578.6 | |
| Household labour | 1,570.8 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 1,570.8 | |
| Hospitals | 21.6 | 111.4 | 529.2 | 662.2 | |
| Medical | 60.0 | 54.9 | 425.8 | 540.7 | |
| Nursing homes | 84.3 | 1.0 | 316.0 | 401.2 | |
| Pharmaceuticals | 56.2 | 0.0 | 241.4 | 297.6 | |
| Ambulances | 23.3 | 8.6 | 43.0 | 74.8 | |
| Road accidents n.e.i. | 742.0 | 481.2 | 106.4 | 1,329.6 | |
| Crime n.e.i. | n.a. | 418.4 | 494.8 | 913.2 | |
| Resources used in | 0.0 | 1,688.8 | 0.0 | 1,688.8 | |
| consumption | |||||
| Total tangible costs | 2,558.2 | 5,576.3 | 2,923.2 | 11,057.7 | |
| Percentage of total costs | 23.1% | 50.4% | 26.4% | 100.0% | |
n.a. signifies not available
n.e.i. signifies not elsewhere included Source: Collins & Lapsley, 2008.
50 Chapter 6: Costs of Alcohol Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
In terms of government responses to alcohol problems, treatment and care in the health system is only part of the story. For example, of total government expenditure on alcohol problems in Scotland in 2002–03, only 23 per cent was estimated to be in health services, with 20 per cent in welfare services and 57 per cent in police and emergency services (Scottish Health Economics Unit, 2004).
The costs accrue not only to government health and welfare systems, but also to industry through absenteeism (Roche, Pidd, Berry, & Harrison, 2008), premature retirement, and impaired or lost productivity (Rehm, Gnam, Popova et al., 2007). It has been estimated, for example, that alcohol cost the Australian community about $15.3 billion in 2004–05, when factors such as crime and violence, treatment costs, loss of productivity and premature death were taken into account (Collins & Lapsley, 2008).
Budgetary implications
The alcohol tax arrangements implemented with the introduction of the GST in 2000 resulted in the net alcohol-related revenue received by the Federal Government exceeding the net alcohol-related expenditure (Table 6.5).
Table 6.5 Budgetary implications of alcohol use for Federal and State governments 2004/05
Federal ($m) State ($m)
| Net revenue | 3,075.4 | 976.5 |
| Expenditure | 1,272.6 | 1,363.8 |
| Revenue less expenditure | 1,802.8 | (387.3)* |
*Figures in brackets are negative Source: Collins & Lapsley, 2008.
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 6: Costs of Alcohol Use 51
52 Chapter 6: Costs of Alcohol Use | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Chapter 7:
Effects of Alcohol
Key points
»» There is significant variability in biological responses to alcohol, which is determined by factors such as sex, body size and composition, age, experience of drinking, genetics, nutrition and individual metabolism.
»» Immediate effects of alcohol include: relaxation, wellbeing, and loss of inhibitions.
»» Higher levels of consumption of alcohol may lead to: drowsiness, loss of balance, nausea and vomiting.
»» These effects of intoxication described above lead to a range of acute harms, discussed in further chapters.
Metabolism of alcohol
Alcohol usually starts to affect the brain within about five minutes of being swallowed. The blood alcohol concentration (BAC) reaches its peak about 30–45 minutes after the consumption of one standard drink (10g alcohol). Rapid consumption of multiple drinks results in a higher BAC because the liver has a relatively fixed rate of metabolism regardless of how many drinks are consumed.
It generally takes about an hour to clear one standard drink, although this varies from person to person, and is faster in men than in women. The rate of this metabolism depends on several factors including liver size, body mass and composition, and alcohol tolerance. Differences in the speed of alcohol metabolism between people are also related to individual variation in the genes that control expression of alcohol-metabolising enzymes in the liver (Edenberg, 2007; Li, Beard, Orr, Kwo, & Ramchandani, 1998; Whitfield & Martin, 1994).
Eating when drinking alcohol slows the increase in BAC as food in the stomach reduces the speed at which alcohol is absorbed into the bloodstream. However, activities such as drinking coffee, having a cold shower, vomiting or exercise do not reduce BAC. After a very heavy drinking occasion, it takes many hours for the BAC to return to zero.7
7 Section sourced from National Health and Medical Research Council, 2009.
| The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 7: Effects of Alcohol | 53 |
Individual variability
There is significant variability in biological response to alcohol, which is determined by factors such as sex, body size and composition, age, experience of drinking, genetics, nutrition and individual metabolism. Due to this individual variability, there is no amount of alcohol that can be said to be safe for everyone. People’s perception of how much alcohol they can ‘handle’ can lead them to believe that they are able to drink more without harm. There is always some risk to the drinker’s health and social well-being, although there are ways to minimise the risks.8
Factors that affect susceptibility to alcohol
Sex
Women tend to have a smaller body size and a higher proportion of body fat than men. As alcohol is not taken up by fatty tissues, for women, a given amount of alcohol is distributed over a smaller body volume. In addition, the ability to break down alcohol is limited by the size of the liver, and women on
average have smaller livers than men. All of these factors lead to a higher BAC in women than for men. On the other hand, the higher level of risk-taking behaviour among men means that, over a lifetime, male risks exceed female risks for a given pattern of drinking.
Age
In general, the younger people are, the less tolerant they are to alcohol. Younger people also have less experience of drinking and its effects. In addition, puberty is often accompanied by risk-taking behaviours (such as an increased risk of drinking, sometimes in association with other dangerous physical activities or risky sexual behaviour). Later in life, as people age, their tolerance for alcohol decreases and the risk of falls, driving accidents and adverse interactions with medications increases.
Mental health and sleeping patterns
People who have, or are prone to, mental health conditions (e.g. anxiety and depression, schizophrenia) may have worse symptoms after drinking. Alcohol can also disrupt the later part of the sleep cycle, which may trigger a variety of mental health conditions in people who are already prone to these conditions.
8 Section sourced from National Health and Medical Research Council, 2009.
54 Chapter 7: Effects of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Medication and drug use
Alcohol can interact with a wide range of prescribed and over-the-counter medications, herbal preparations and illicit drugs. This can alter the effect of either the alcohol or the medication and has the potential to cause serious harm to both the drinker and others.
Specific health conditions that are made worse by alcohol
People who already have health conditions caused or exacerbated by alcohol, such as alcohol dependence, cirrhosis of the liver, alcoholic hepatitis or pancreatitis, are at risk of the condition becoming worse if they drink alcohol.
Family history of alcohol dependence
People who have a family history of alcohol dependence (particularly among first-degree relatives) have an increased risk of developing dependence themselves.9
Acute effects
The most obvious and immediate effects of alcohol are on the brain, beginning with feelings of relaxation, wellbeing and loss of inhibitions. However, as the intake of alcohol increases, these effects are counterbalanced by less pleasant effects, such as drowsiness, loss of balance, nausea and vomiting, as well as the other harmful effects described below.
Alcohol dampens the brain’s arousal, motor and sensory centres, reducing reactions to stimuli and affecting coordination, speech, cognition and the senses. The first potentially adverse effect of alcohol consumption is loss of fine motor skills and inhibitions. A BAC of about 0.05g/100mL (or 0.05%), which is the legal limit for driving in Australia, was based on controlled studies testing driving skills (Transport and Road Research Laboratory, 1987). As more alcohol is consumed and the BAC rises, performance and behaviour deteriorate progressively. Alcohol also affects the pituitary gland, suppressing the production of anti-diuretic hormone. This causes the kidneys to fail to reabsorb an adequate amount of water and results in dehydration.
If the BAC reaches a high enough level, it leads to unconsciousness and, eventually, inhibition of normal breathing. This may be fatal, particularly as the person may vomit and can suffocate if the vomit is inhaled.10
9, 10 Section sourced from National Health and Medical Research Council, 2009.
| The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 7: Effects of Alcohol | 55 |
The amount of alcohol consumed on a single occasion increases the risks of accidents and injury. An occasion of heavy drinking significantly increases the risk of injury and death for the drinker and may place others at risk. Adolescents and younger adults are particularly vulnerable and heavy drinking in this group can form part of a pattern of risk-taking behaviour (Chikritzhs et al., 2003; Loxley, Toumbouro, Ryder et al., 2004).
Alcohol consumption also increases the likelihood and extent of aggressive behaviours and reduces the cognitive or verbal capacity to resolve conflicts, thereby increasing the likelihood of physical violence (e.g. fights and assaults) (Borges, Cherpitel, & Mittleman, 2004; Borges, Cherpitel, Orozco et al., 2006; Borges, Cherpitel, Macdonald et al., 2004; Cherpitel, Borges, & Wilcox, 2004; Giancola, 2002; Haggard-Grann, Hallqvist, Langstrom, & Moller, 2006; Hingson, Heeren, & Zakocs, 2001; Howard, Qiu, & Boekeloo, 2003; Jewkes, Levin, & Penn-Kekana, 2002; Moraes & Reichenheim, 2002; Mousavi & Eshagian, 2005; Ogle & Miller, 2004).11
Harms arising from intoxication
The effects of intoxication described above lead to a range of acute harms. These harms cover a wide variety of behaviours across the spectrum of domains from misdemeanours—such as vandalism or offensive behaviour—to acute anti-social activities which can result in affront, violence or injury to others. Acute, intoxication-related harms include:
»» assault; self-harm, violence, suicide, homicide »» occupational injury and death
»» hangover, overdose, alcoholic poisoning
»» aspiration of vomitus, suffocation and inhalation »» suicide and self-inflicted injury
»» motor vehicle and pedestrian accidents
»» increased risk taking behaviours, falls, fires, drownings »» sport and recreational injuries
Harms from alcohol are discussed further in Chapters 8, 9 and 10.
11 Section sourced from National Health and Medical Research Council, 2009.
56 Chapter 7: Effects of Alcohol | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Chapter 8:
Alcohol and
Human Behaviour
Key points
»» Consumption of alcohol is disinhibiting and may lead consumers to engage in activities that involve greater risk than they would otherwise.
»» There is a strong link between alcohol and aggression.
»» Physical and regulatory features of licensed premises may influence levels of aggression and other alcohol-related harms.
»» Alcohol increases the risk of unsafe sex (and decreases the likelihood of condom use), and increases risk of sexual coercion.
»» Studies have found that alcohol, and not drugs, is heavily and predominantly implicated in suspected cases of drink spiking.
Risk Taking
Alcohol is a powerful disinhibitor. That is, the consumption of alcohol makes the user more relaxed and more likely to engage in behaviours that they otherwise may be reluctant to. People often become more talkative, louder and more extrovert when they have been drinking. Because of the disinhibiting effects of alcohol, the user can be more inclined to engage in activities that involve greater risk than they would otherwise.
The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 8: Alcohol and Human Behaviour 57
Risky sexual behaviour
Alcohol use is a particular concern in relation to risky adolescent behaviour. Research has shown an increase in adolescent risky sexual behaviour when alcohol is involved (Coleman & Cater, 2005).
»» Alcohol decreases the likelihood that adolescents will use a condom, especially at their first sexual experience (Dye & Upchurch, 2006). However, diary studies of young adults show that, when young people expect to get drunk, they plan for sexual activity that may occur (Leigh, Vanslyke, Hoppe et al., 2008).
»» Adolescents who drink alcohol are also at risk of sexual coercion (Davis, Norris, George, Martell, & Heiman, 2006). A controlled trial in which 180 youths were given either an alcoholic beverage or a placebo and asked to give their opinion about a hypothetical sexual situation showed that
intoxicated participants viewed the woman in the vignette as more aroused, and the man as more justified in his attempts to force the woman to have intercourse with him (Abbey, Buck, Zawacki, & Saenz, 2003).
In general studies have shown that:
»» alcohol increases the prevalence of unsafe sex behaviours
(Abbey, Saenz, Buck, Parkhill, & Hayman Jnr, 2006; Coleman & Cater, 2005; Dye & Upchurch, 2006; Lin, Li, Yang et al., 2005)
»» drinking increases the likelihood of making risky choices about sexual activity (Maisto, Carey, Carey, Gordon, & Schum, 2004; Maisto, Carey, Carey, & Gordon, 2002; Testa, VanZile-Tamsen, Livingston, & Buddie, 2006)
»» some people prepare for safe sex when they know that they will be drinking (Leigh et al., 2008)
»» consuming alcohol also increases the risk of sexual coercion
(Abbey, Buck et al., 2003; Abbey, Clinton-Sherrod, McAuslan, Zawacki, & Buck, 2003; Davis et al., 2006; Farris, Treat, Viken, & McFall, 2008).12
Studies have also found that alcohol, and not drugs, is heavily and predominantly implicated in suspected cases of drink spiking (Taylor, Prichard, & Charlton, 2004).
12 Section sourced from National Health and Medical Research Council, 2009.
58 Chapter 8: Alcohol and Human Behaviour | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Aggression
The relationship between alcohol and aggression is complex. A large literature and many years of research have been devoted to this issue. In general, this relationship can be best characterised as one whereby alcohol in and of itself is not likely to make a person aggressive or violent. However, for individuals with a pre-existing predisposition towards aggressive behaviour, alcohol may act as an accelerant or facilitator. This can operate in a variety of ways, some of which are physiological and others are related to the person’s expectations of behaviours that may occur when they have been drinking and/or what is considered socially acceptable or permissible behaviour.
In addition, there is an important array of factors in the physical setting that can also influence or facilitate the development of aggressive or violent behaviour. The combination of three factors:
»» drug (the alcohol)
»» set (one’s mindset, mood or expectancies), and;
»» setting (the physical environment) all need to be considered.
Aspects of these factors are addressed below.
Turning first to the physical environment and the sale and supply of alcohol: the impact of alcohol sales from licensed premises on levels of alcohol-related assaults is often assessed in terms of assaults which occur on or near premises. While alcohol sales impact on assaults in both public and private settings, most alcohol-related assaults occur in private premises (Chikritzhs, Catalano, Pascal, & Henrickson, 2007), not in or near licensed premises or in street settings.
Increasing the availability of alcohol in a given area increases assaults in private premises to a substantially greater level than it increases assaults in licensed premises. The former are more likely to be family-violence related.
While not all assaults that occur on private premises are family-violence related, examining the links between alcohol and family violence does shed some light on this issue. In his examination of the research concerning the links between
alcohol and family violence, Nicholas (2005) reported that these links are complex. While there is little doubt that alcohol does feature in many incidents of family violence, much family violence also occurs in the absence of alcohol use either by perpetrators or victims.13
13 Section sourced from: Nicholas, R. (2008) Understanding and responding to alcohol-related social harms in Australia. Options for policing. NDLERF discussion paper (National Drug Research Institute, 2007a).
| The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia | Chapter 8: Alcohol and Human Behaviour | 59 |
Alcohol use does not necessarily lead to family violence. Rather, underlying expectations (expectancies) that the drinker has about the effects of alcohol on their behaviour (for example, believing that alcohol makes them more aggressive or excuses violence) is the primary influence. The underlying belief structure of perpetrators concerning the appropriateness of violence, and their right to control and subjugate their partners is at the heart of much family violence.
There is no evidence of a causal link between alcohol consumption and non-physical abuse (such as economic control, intimidation and possessiveness) that are often concomitant features of physically violent relationships. Nevertheless, there are indications that the use of alcohol by perpetrators may facilitate an escalation from verbal abuse to physical abuse. Alcohol acts to shape patterns of family violence towards more physical manifestations.
Extensive research has identified important, but not always obvious, physical and regulatory features of licensed premises and their environs that impact on individual and group behaviour and increase the probability of alcohol-related harms (Cameron, 2000; Doherty & Roche, 2003; Graham, West, & Wells, 2000;
Hauritz, Homel, McIlwain, & Burrows, 1998; Hauritz, Homel, McIlwain, Burrows, & Townsley, 1998; Homel & Clark, 1992; Lang & Rumbold, 1997; McMurran, 1999; Murgraff, 1999; Parks & Zetes-Zanatta, 1999; Pernanen, 1998; Shepherd, 1998; Tomsen, 1989, 1997).14
Factors that influence alcohol-related harms within and around licensed drinking environments are outlined in Table 8.1 below.
Licensed premises and events are often associated with crowding. Crowding increases the chance of accidental contact and alcohol affects the ability of individuals to appropriately deal with this contact. Crowding and alcohol are both irritants, which, in combination can increase anxiety and reduce tolerance. This may lead to aggression and violence. Crowding also increases anonymity and reduces a sense of accountability. As a consequence, it is less likely that an individual will intervene to prevent conflict situations occurring or worsening. In a conflict situation, the anonymity afforded by crowded settings may have numerous negative consequences including increased severity of injury.15
- Section sourced from: Nicholas, R. (2008) Understanding and responding to alcohol-related social harms in Australia. Options for policing. NDLERF discussion paper (National Drug Research Institute, 2007a).
- Doherty & Roche, 2003.
60 Chapter 8: Alcohol and Human Behaviour | The Social Context of Alcohol Use in Australia
Table 8.1 Internal and External Factors of the Physical and Social Environment of Licensed Premises that Impact on Alcohol-Related Harms
| Physical Environment | Regulatory Factors |
Internal Crowding Entertainment Lighting Seating
Bar placement Drinks containers Bar size Ventilation Air-conditioning Entrances and exits Cleanliness Physical hazards Provision of food
Intoxication Drinks promotions Social mix
Patron type (age, gender) Permissive attitudes
Attitudes re drunken deportment Licensed venue policies and practices
Crowd controller/door staff behaviour and practices
Bar staff behaviour and practices Management practices and policies Police activities and responses Enforcement of legislation
| External | Road design |
| Rubbish bins | |
| Location of public phones | |
| Location of amenities | |
| Location of cab ranks | |
| Location of bus facilities | |
| Number of taxi ranks | |
| Cleanliness of environment | |
| Design of city, town or | |
| entertainment centre | |
| Number of licensed venues | |
| Density of licensed venues | |
| Number and type of other | |
| businesses | |
| Operating hours of licensed venues | |
| Lighting and CCTV | |
| Location of fast food outlets | |
| Proximity of licensed premises to | |
| domestic premises | |
Visibility of police
Communication between security personnel and police
Behaviour of licensed premises security staff
Behaviour of police Enforcement activities of police Dry zone
Type of licensed premises (mix) Enforcement of legislation
Source: Doherty & Roche, 2003
Answer:
Introduction
In 1982, in Australia, alcohol consumption annual rate was 9.7 liters per capita. Between the year 1988 and 1993 the alcohol consumption reduced to 7.4 liters (Hoops, 2012). According to the world report of 1996 on alcohol consumption, Australia was listed at 20th (Australian Drug Foundation, 2014). This was based on the per capita intake of alcohol. The figures in that years were 7.4 liters of total alcohol per capita consumed annually. Australians, in 1997 drunk 94.76 liters of beer ranking them 10th in the globe, with consumption per capita of 1.35 liters of spirits making them 31st in the whole world. Their consumption of spirits was at 18.4 liters per capita, making them 17th in the whole world (Hoops, 2012). Also, Australians, in 1998, drank 7.5 liters of total alcohol per capita (Australian Drug Foundation, 2014). In the past decades, there has been an expansion in the appreciation of alcohol contribution to health conditions and long term dangers. Also, there has been an increase in assessment of drinking patterns and assignment level. Drinking patterns refers to concepts of drinking behavior (Hoops, 2012). They also include the location and time of drinking, the activities and number of occasion related to heavy drinking. It also comprises drinking companions and the characteristics of the drinker, the number of consumed drinks and the general behaviors of the drinkers which is known as drinking culture.
In Australia, alcohol is not usually regarded as a drug, since it is generally used as a form of entertainment. Alcohol has been generally accepted in Australian society because of its wide usage. Although, based on the recent studies, the level of alcohol drinking to injurious amounts is growing high in Australia (Hoops, 2012). A lot of alcoholic consumption happens as a result of binge drinking. Binge drinking refers to the consumption of high volume of alcohol within a short period of time (Hoops, 2012). The study will elaborate the occurrence of binge drinking by means of the theory of interactionism symbolism. First, the article will elaborate why binge drinking is considered societal concern. This will be handled through the discussion of binge drinking statistics as a social problem from the Australian perspective. Also, the interactionism theory will be discussed and how it is used to explain binge drinking. The study will employ the literature materials to back the arguments in the essay.
Societal issues caused by binge drinking
In Australia, alcohol is heavily abused, based on a research conducted by the Australian Drug Foundation (Australian Drug Foundation, 2014). Also, 37.4% of Australians with the age of 14 years drink alcohol on weekly, while 86.3% of the same category has at least tested alcohol once in their life. The people in the age bracket of 70 years and above are the heavy alcohol users. Australian Drug Foundation, states that binge drinking is the podium commonly used for abuse of alcohol (Hoops, 2012). In Australia, alcohol consumption is universal hence being viewed as a drug that does not have any significant effects.
Majorly, binge drinking is injurious and its effects could be long-term or short-term. Loss of memory, headaches, vomiting, nausea shaking and hangovers are some of the short-term effects. There is also a danger in alcohol overdose which causes death. Injurious falls, overspending, car accidents, unplanned pregnancy, embarrassment and shame are also some of the problems cause by binge drinking (Connor, Norton, Ameratunga & Jackson, 2004). Some of the long-term impacts of binge drinking are the high risk of liver or brain damage, physical and psychological overdependence on alcohol (Taylor et al., 2010). Over usage of alcohol has also been associated with the risks of getting cancer and sexual dysfunction.
Generally, binge drinking is done over a small period of time though the drinking is very intense and heavy, resulting to instant intoxication (Charon & Joel M, 2004). Binge drinkers drink over several numbers of weeks continuously hence being affected over a long period. The society is heavily affected by binge drinking in terms of creating unemployment, reduced developments and reduced reproduction (Taylor et al., 2010). Drinking the same quantities of alcohol for a longer period is safer than binge drinking (Pascal et al., 2013). Binge drinking is largely associated to social problems, injurious cases and chronic illness such as thrombosis, high blood pressure, liver problems and eventually cardiac deaths (Roche, et al., 2009). From the above problem binge drinking is a social concern in the Australian perspective.
SI (Symbolic Interactionism,) Theoretical description
The theory of SI is thought to have come from Dewey from his opinion that humankind can be comprehended in interactive and practical interactions in their environment (Blumer, 1969). Therefore, in this perspective, this study will observe the meanings and a sign that are related to behaviors in binge drinking in Australia, in order to examine the social occurrence and the information communicated by binge drinkers and how their reality is created through that information. The way one behaves is as a result of drives, instincts and external environment forces found in the human being (Loseke, 2003). The basis of symbolic interaction can be explained by three principles these are: (i)the actions of human beings are established through meaningful things, (ii) meaningful things arise as a result of social contact with others, (iii)important things are modified and handled through the process of interaction by the persons handling the meaningful things.
The significance of the element meaning is apparent from the three premises and can be viewed as a crucial viewpoint in SI (Gmel et al., 2003). Human beings do not simply react to situations, circumstances and events, but also to the meanings. This implies that human behavior and action are characterized and generated with others and self (Burke, 1980). Thinking is the process of understanding a message (Charon & Joel M, 2004). Therefore, the actions of human beings are created through interaction with individuals in the society and self-interaction (Gmel et al., 2003). To understand action, the active and continuous ongoing process of thinking is essential. Hence, making SI a micro sociological reflection of perception.
Binge drinking through SI perspective (Theory application)
The theory of SI comprises of a minute methodology of relating groups, institutions and general members of the public. Therefore, alcohol indulgence would be tackled through the analysis of social surroundings of a person who experienced binge drinking, their influencers and those they influenced (Scarpitti, Nielsen & Miller, 2009). The perspective of SI focuses on societal meaning related to binge drinking. First, if the experience of binge drinker was pleasant then the practice will recur, secondly, binge drinkers are motivated and learn through interactions with their fellow groups, thirdly there is a manipulation through Symbols for political and economic agendas (Scarpitti, Nielsen & Miller, 2009). Binge drinking as a social problem can also be explained through differential association of the Sutherland. This association applies symbols to explain binge drinking and is usually used in deviant behavior (Loseke, 2003). In the Australian community, there has been glorification of binger drinking.
Owing to this glorification and regulation of over indulgence, a number of young adults are engaging in drinking considering it as a mark of maturity and a process of having fun because of the award given by the society to binge drinking (Matthews et al., 2013). Most of the beginners do so because of the positive involvement that has been shown to them by those surrounding them. In Australia, the presence of continued binge drinking as a social concern is because it is widely rejoiced among members of the society (Roche, et al., 2009). Binge drinking is also accepted in the Australia society as a method of enjoyment, entertainment and having fun. As a result of being a culture in the society, binge drinking has become a common event in the ceremonial occasions.
Conclusion
In Australia, alcohol is heavily abused. 37.4% of Australians at the age of 14 years, drink alcohol on weekly. Around 86.3% of the same category has at least tested alcohol once in their life. The people in the age bracket of 70 years and above are the heavy alcohol users. Australian Drug Foundation, states that binge drinking is the podium commonly used for abuse of alcohol. In Australia, alcohol consumption is universal hence being viewed as unharmful drug. Majorly, binge drinking is injurious and its effects could be long-term or short-term. In the Australian perspective, binge drinking is a social problem. Therefore, binge drinking can be tackled through the analysis of social surrounding of a person who experienced binge drinking, their influencers and those they influenced. The perspective of SI focuses on the societal meaning related to binge drinking. First, if the experience of binge drinker was pleasant then the practice will recur, secondly, binge drinkers are motivated and learn through interactions with their fellow groups, thirdly there is manipulation through Symbols for political and economic agendas. Therefore, there is a need for the Australian government should come up with measures to curb the culture of alcoholism in the country.
References
Australian Drug Foundation (25 November 2014). Facts and resources about alcohol and drugs, statistics. Retrieved on 20 October 2015 from http://www.druginfo.adf.org.au/topics/quick-statistics#alcohol
Burke &Peter J. (1980). “The Self: Measurement Requirements from an Interactionist Perspective.” Social Psychology Quarterly 43:18-29.
Charon &Joel M. (2004). Symbolic Interactionism An Introduction, An Interpretation, An Integration. Boston: Pearson.
Connor, J.,Norton, R., Ameratunga, S. & Jackson, R. (2004). The contribution of alcohol to serious car crash injuries. Epidemiology, 15(3): p. 337-44.
Gmel, G., Heeb, J.L. & Rehm, J. (2003). Research and the alcohol industry. Addiction, 98(12): p. 1773-4; discussion 1774-5.
Hoops & Sean B., (2012). Socialization with Alcohol or Alcohol as Socialization: An Actor-Network Theory Approach to Understanding College Student Alcohol Use. Honors Projects, Paper 35.
Loseke & D. R. (2003). Thinking about social problems. New York NY: Aldine de Gruyter
Matthews, S., Dietze, P., Room, R., Chikritzhs, T. & Jolley, D. (2013). The social location of heavy episodic alcohol consumption in the Victorian population. Drug Alcohol Rev, 32(2): p. 157-61.
Pascal, R.,Liang, W., Gilmore, W. & Chikritzhs, T. (2013). Risks of alcohol-attributable hospitalisation and death in Australia over time: Evidence of divergence by region, age and sex. Australas Med J, 6(3): p. 134-51.
Roche, A. M., Bywood, P., Freeman T., Pidd, K., Borlagdan, J.,& Trifonoff, A. (2009). The social context of alcohol use in Australia. Adelaide: National Centre for Education and Training on Addiction.
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Taylor, Irving, B., M, H., F, K., R, R., T., G., & J, R. (2010). The more you drink, the harder you fall: A systematic review and meta-analysis of how acute alcohol consumption and injury or collision risk increase together (1st ed., pp. 110(1–2): p. 108-116). Drug and alcohol dependence.
