Monthly Archives: March 2017

A Single User Relational DBMS: 531317

Question:

List libraries or programming language features you made use of?

  • This is very useful to transfer into your resume, so provide adequate detail.

Deliverables

Checklist of deliverables  
Hardcopy of I/II/III
  This writeup x
   
Zip file containing I/II/III
  This writeup x
  Test cases showing input/output x
  Source code x
  README.TXT * x

  • * include at top level a file titled README.TXT that provides Installation and Demo Instructions containing instructions on how to install and demo your program

 

Coverage – Did you complete all of SURLY Part I/II – what is missing?

version Feature Covered/Comment
I Relation  
I Insert  
I Print  
I Index – Heap  
I CATALOG  
II Destroy  
II Delete  
II Project  
III Join  
III Select where … AND/OR  
III Delete where … AND/OR  
III Import/Export in XML  
optional View, Constraint, …  

How did you implement

SURLY I

  • Relations
  • Tuples
  • Attributes

SURLY II

  • Project
  • Destroy
  • Delete

SURLY III

  • Join
  • Select where
  • Delete where
  • Export/Import

Things you did differently (e.g., than the SURLY spec)

Limitations of the current release.

Extra features you added – e.g., going beyond the SURLY I/II/III spec

Things you are especially proud of

Recommendations

Things you would do differently if starting over now.

Did SURLY meet your objectives for this course?

Suggestions on how to improve SURLY I/II/III assignment

Suggestions on how to improve the course?

Any other comments?

I. Core of SUR AND SURLY

A. SUR – Introduction

Data is recognized to be an important long-term asset of an enterprise (company, individual, …). Where formerly the emphasis was on libraries of programs that manipulate files of data according to each program’s particular view of the data, now increasingly enterprises are recognize the importance of representing large amounts of data in a uniform way in a central, formatted database. Advantages of this arrangement – availability of data, redundancy control, are well documented in textbooks on database management systems by Elmasri and Navathe, Date and many others.

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The Bush Doctrine

Question:

Explain what the bush doctrine is? Speak about the strengths and weakness of bush doctrine in term of foreign policy.

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Answer:

Background:

Though there has been great success of the Bush administration against the al Qaeda still we are living in a dangerous world. There has been a great risk of the attacks from the various terrorists with the global reach that may have on the civilian population. In these kinds of circumstances it has become very important for the policy makers to consider some kind of preventive tool in order to counter such threats. In the past the leaders of democracy were not able to shied away from the prospect of the preventive war. There was no merit found by various policy makers in putting off the war when the safety of the state was considered to be of much importance. (Kaufman 2007) But in the current climate this kind of thinking is considered very controversial due to various disputes over the legal and normative wisdom. Here the doctrine which is commonly known as the Bush Doctrine came in to existence. Bush doctrine is the position that is set forth in the National Security Strategy in the year 2002. It refers to the various foreign policy principles of the 43rd President of the United States. The American Administrations were shaped by the Bush Doctrine.

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Christian Leadership Style

Question:

How does this statement relate to the chapters you read for this week?

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Answer:

Commit to ethical behavior

It is necessary to mention that, authentic leadership is tending to the committed ethical behaviors of any leaders who are related to any of the society on this earth. Human beings should have to be behaving by maintaining the ethical considerations as opined by Garrow, (2015). The major reason for maintaining the ethical behavior is to provide suitable manner as well as the attitude for communicating with others. It is essential to include that, a human being who is not able to lead himself or herself with proper attitude or ethical considerations, those human being is not able to lead others as they have lack of appropriate ethical commitment that is the mandatory nature of human being for helping him or herself as well as the others as opined by Youssef, (2013). According to the Matthew 7:12, God gives us the better things as well as wishes for doing the good jobs by maintaining the ethical considerations along with prosperity, honesty, kindness as well as potential to control the negative emotions such as, anger and cruelness (Bible Verses About Compassion: 21 Top Scripture Quotes, 2016).

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Various Techniques Using for Developing Strategic Business Plan

Questions:

Discuss about the following points..
1. Effectiveness of using various techniques using for developing strategic business plan.
2. Strategic positioning of Virgin Atlantic by carrying the organizational audit.
3. Environmental Audit for Virgin Atlantic.
4. Role of personnel charged with strategic implementation .
5. Discussing on the estimated resource that is required for implementing a new strategy for Virgin Atlantic.

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Elsevier Health Sciences

Questions:

Task 1:

A 43-year-old female presented with a 15 month history of weight gain, hirsuitism, weakness that had increased over time, and oligomenorrhea. Her blood pressure was 175/105 mm Hg.
Laboratory Data
Sodium                  153 mmol/L
Potassium             2.7 mmol/L
Chloride                 107 mmol/L
Bicarbonate           34 mmol/L
Glucose                 118 mg/dL

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Clinical Microbiology and Infection

Questions:

1. What is Infection control ?
2. Reflect on how infection control important in nursing?
3. What have I learned?
4. What are the implications for my future practice/placement (would anything be done differently)?
5. How is it going to help me in practice/placement?

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Vibration Analysis and Modelling of a Cantilever Beam:530251

Question:

Task
a. Experimental investigation of a cantilever beam on free and forced vibration response.
b. Analyse the experimental reponse data of a cantilever beam utilising matlab software
i. Within the matlab environment import the vibration data you saved in the laboratory for the cantilever beam. Identify dominant damped natural frequencies and plot time and frequency domain response for the beam with/without mass attached.
ii. Using the time domain reponse, determine the damped natural frequency and damping ration and using log decrement method.
c. Modelling the cantilever beam by mathematical formula and by finite element simulation using an industry standard software such as solidworks.
i. Theoretically model the cantilever beam you have used in your experiment as one degree of freedom system. Calculate the natural frequency of the beam with/without mass.
ii. Research Euler-Bernoulli beam theory and utilising the physical measurements of the cantilever beam calculate theoretically the first 3 natural frequencies of the beam. You should also calculate the theoretical mode shapes associated with each of these natural frequencies.
ii. Model the cantilever beam using solidworkds and extract the first three natural frequencies. and their associated transverse mode shapes for the cantilever beam.
Assume the beam is in a fixed free constrained condition. You should also utilise the following information:
E-young’s modules for mild steel 210GPa
p- the density for the beam, for mild steel 7852 kgm3
d. Validation of the FE simulation resultrs by comparing the eperimental and the analytical results.

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Critical Analysis of the brand LVMH: 539436

 Question:

You are required to critically examine the marketing strategy of a commercial organisation of your choosing. The purpose of the assignment is to look at marketing strategy from a strategic perspective and to examine in depth one aspect of the organisations marketing strategy. You should focus on only 1 of the following strategies:

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Opportunities and Threats Created by Globalization: 538694

Description of Task
In 2500 words, students are required to critically discuss the following topic:
Using an example of an MNC from an emerging market, present an analysis of the opportunities and threats that globalisation creates for decision-makers. What are the main lessons international business managers can learn about the interplay between home and host country differences in achieving success?
At a minimum, this essay will reference 10-15 reliable academic sources (including journal articles and textbooks) identified by the student, in addition to the textbook. Please use the Harvard Referencing style.

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Leadership and union militancy: The case of the RMT: 533647

Kelly’s (1998) seminal exposition and refinement of mobilisation theory has been well received, in general, within the field of British industrial relations since it appeared more than a decade ago. Yet there remains a paucity of empirical studies that attempt to relate the role of activists to specific workers’ struggles (for some exceptions, see Taylor &Bain, 2003; Heery & Conley, 2006; Simms, 2007). Moreover, Fairbrother (2005) has recently mounted a fierce, although brief and undeveloped, critique of Kelly’s alleged ‘theoretically blinkered’, ‘onedimensional’ and ‘vanguardist’ conception of trade union leadership. Fairbrother complains that the starting point for a Kelly-type Leadership and union militancy: The case of the RMT Ralph Darlington
Introduction
analysis is a leader-led dichotomy, rather than the nature of work
and employment relations. He insists that it is necessary to throw off
the shackles of this ‘poverty of leadership thesis’ and return to more
comprehensive forms of analysis, such as the sociologically-inspired
workplace case studies of Beynon (1973) and Batstone et al. (1977,
1978), which attempt to explore the conditions for various forms of
workplace collective organisation, struggle, activism and ‘leadership’
in terms of period, situation, sector and circumstance.
On one level, Fairbrother’s argument that questions of trade
union leadership cannot be abstracted from the dynamics of social
relations at work and its collective forms of union organisation is
undoubtedly well founded. However, arguably, a crucial feature of
mobilisation theory is the way it favours complex multi-factor
explanations that seek to marry structural determination with
deliberate agency. Thus while the centrality of agency in collective
workplace mobilisation, and in particular the role of union
leadership, is reasserted, so is the question of the context and
opportunity for collective mobilisation. The latter includes the
structural conditions of labour and product markets, the legal
context, the extent of management provocation, the nature of
workers’ grievances, their level of organisation and consciousness,
the balance of power favourable to action, and the strength and
traditions of solidarity.
However, Fairbrother’s explicit attempt to denigrate Kelly’s
emphasis on the role of union activist leadership effectively blurs the
distinction between activists and members and, by focusing on what
it implies is a more spontaneist dynamic, ignores the way in which
even though union activists do not, and cannot, create the underlying
material conditions that can lead to conflict and mobilisation, they
can stimulate awareness of grievances and of the potential for
collective action for redress; they can take the lead in proposing and
initiating such action; and they can provide cohesion to discontent by
generalising from workers’ immediate economic grievances to
broader, even political, concerns. In this sense, union leadership can
be seen to be as important as any structural or institutional
complexity in shaping the nature of collective action.
The attempt to counterpose Batstone et al.’s highly insightful
accounts of social processes at the workplace (1977, 1978) to
‘vanguardist’ mobilisation theory is also completely misplaced. In
fact, Batstone provided one of the most detailed examinations of the
processes through which shop steward ‘leaders’ seeking to shape a
strategic workplace-wide perspective could foster collective
organisation and action. Efforts to prepare the members to act
collectively, Batstone made clear, depended in large part on the
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5
continued educational role of the stewards’ leadership in
channelling and controlling rank-and-file discontent. This often
involved the stewards in a protracted process of communication,
‘vocabularies of motive’, ‘mobilisation of bias’ and ‘systems of
argument’ to reinforce the collective interests of the group. Thanks
to their influence, stewards could, within limits, determine whether
a stoppage occurred or which workers and what issues would be
involved, and along what lines a settlement would be reached.
Previous studies such as those by Batstone et al. underline the fact
that mobilisation theory, however insightful it might be, has not
completely reinvented the wheel as regards the analysis of collective
mobilisation, even though mobilisation theory provides a much more
comprehensive analytical framework. But crucially, mobilisation
theory, like Batstone’s studies, directs our attention towards the key
role of activist leadership in highlighting grievances, ‘framing’ issues
that identify a collective interest among workers, attributing blame to
management, legitimising and encouraging mobilisation, and
responding to counter-mobilisation by employers.
One significant limitation in Kelly’s approach that Fairbrother
does not mention, but which also characterises his own work and is a
common feature of much industrial relations literature generally, is
the relative neglect of the whole topic of left-wing union leadership
and its significance for collective mobilisation. Yet there are some
potentially interesting questions that could be posed here, for
example in unions like the RMT, PCS and FBU. How does a leftwing
perspective influence union mobilisation strategies? What
evidence is there of the effectiveness of left-wing union leadership
in terms of success/failure in gaining members’ support, the extent
and nature of collective action undertaken, the modifying of
managerial behaviour, and the effect on union growth and strength?
What are the conditions and contextual factors that enable left-wing
activist leadership to be effective, and the compliance or consent of
followers to be granted?
With such considerations in mind, we can now turn to some case
-study research into the dynamics of union mobilisation as displayed
by the RMT in recent years, with the aim of examining both
conditioning and influencing processes (structure and agency) on
mobilisation, and with specific reference to the relationship between
workers’ combativity, collective organisation, union leadership and
left-wing activism.
The National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers
(RMT)1 is one of the most militant and left-wing trade unions in
Leadership and union militancy
Case study: The RMT
Britain. One expression of this has been the way in which on
London Underground and in different sections of the national
railway network, the union has explicitly rejected social partnership
in favour of the repeated threat and use of strikes on issues such as
pay, working conditions, pensions and the effects of privatisation.
Thus on London Underground in the period 2000-2008, the RMT
balloted for industrial action on no less than 50 different occasions,
engaging in strikes on 18 different occasions, some of which
involved two or even three days of action. On the railway network
in the same period, the RMT balloted for industrial action on 68
occasions, engaging in strike action on no less than 33 different
occasions (again, some of which have involved a number of days of
action).2 Per thousand members, the RMT has probably organised
more ballots for industrial action and more strike action than any
other union over the last ten years, including both ASLEF and
TSSA, the other main railway and Tube workers’ unions.3
Strike ballots have frequently been used as a form of sabrerattling
designed to bolster the union’s bargaining leverage, with no
action resulting, although sometimes with significant concessions
being obtained. But on occasion, RMT strike threats have led to
full-blown strike action, sometimes with devastatingly high-profile
public effect. For example, a 48-hour strike by 2,300 Metronet
infrastructure workers on London Underground in September
2007, to secure guarantees over jobs, conditions and pensions, shut
down the vast majority of the Tube network, inconvenienced 3
million people and caused an estimated £100 million damage to
London’s economy. A 48-hour strike by all 9,000 RMT members
across the entire Tube network in 2009, on the subject of pay, job
cuts and ‘bullying’ management, had a similar impact.
Such industrial militancy has been more than matched by
political opposition to many contentious New Labour government
policies, notably the government’s refusal to countenance the renationalisation
of the railways and undo the subsequent partprivatisation
of London Underground, but also on many other
issues. Having reduced its affiliation fees to the Labour Party for
allegedly ‘deserting its working class roots’ and for ‘jumping into
bed with its big business friends’ (RMT News, July–August 2001), the
RMT’s decision to allow local union branches to affiliate to, and
campaign for, non-Labour Party political organisations and
candidates at local and parliamentary elections resulted in its
expulsion in 2004 from the party it had helped to set up a hundred
years earlier. The historic break with the Labour Party has been
emblematic of the militant trade unionism and left-wing
radicalism embodied in the RMT.
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7
Not surprisingly, such a combative and left-wing union
approach has been subject to vigorous critique. The London
Evening Standard has argued (2004) that it is the union’s ‘hard-left’
militant leaders who should be held entirely responsible for the
persistence of strikes on the Tube and on the railways: ‘In an age
when Scargillism is almost extinct, when most trade unions have
become moderate bodies which recognise that they exist to serve
their members, the RMT and its leaders represent a very sorry
replay of Jurassic Park’ (Evening Standard, 2001).
Yet despite, or perhaps more accurately because of, such a
militant approach, the RMT can legitimately claim several highprofile
bargaining victories and advances on behalf of its
members in recent years. For example, the threat and/or use of
strike action have resulted in numerous above-inflation pay rises,
as well as the 35-hour working week on many sectors of the
railway network and on London Underground (plus an annual 52-
days’ leave entitlement on the latter). It has also achieved the
reversal of attempts by Network Rail and other rail companies to
end their final-salary pension schemes for new starters, and
contributed to bringing the private Metronet consortium contract
back ‘in-house’, to be overseen by the publicly-run Transport for
London. Such an adversarial approach and the material benefits it
has accrued has, in turn, contributed to a growth in RMT
membership during the period 1999–2007, rising from 56,037 to
75,939 in 2007, representing a 37.3 per cent increase.4 Even though
the absolute numbers are not large, they nevertheless make the
RMT one of the fastest-growing unions in Britain, which is no
mean achievement in the context of merely stable or even
declining membership for many other unions (Berlin, 2006; Gall,
2005a, 2006a).
Whilst industrial relations and trade unionism on the national
railway network have been the subject of attention by some
researchers in the past, (Ferner, 1985; Edwards, 1987; Hyman, Price
& Terry, 1988; Pendleton, 1991a, 1991b, 1993, 1994, 1997; Freeman &
Shaw, 2000; Murray, 2001), they have been largely ignored since
privatisation. The London Underground, meanwhile, has
consistently remained almost completely unexplored territory
(Darlington, 2001, 2009b). This is remarkable considering the
centrality of both industries to the day-to-day functioning of the
British economy and society, the evident importance of
railway/Tube stations and depots as major workplaces in their own
right, the fact that both industries have experienced a relatively
high level of strike action in recent years, and the combative and
political form of trade unionism that the RMT has developed.
Leadership and union militancy
In attempting to fill the gap, this article builds on some
preliminary studies (Darlington, 2001, 2002, 2007, 2008, 2009a,
2009b) in order to re-evaluate the relationship between union
militancy and leadership, with a specific focus on the role of leftwing
RMT activists within both the national railway and London
Underground networks. ‘Left-wing’ is defined not only in terms of
fixed affiliation to a political party, but also in the syndicalist-type
sense of a consistently adversarial attitude towards management
and a commitment to the wholesale redistribution of wealth and
power in society. Drawing on the study of leadership provided by
mobilisation theory, the article explores the extent to which union
leadership, notably by left-wing activists at every level of the
union, has been an important contributory catalyst, symptom and
beneficiary of workplace union militancy relative to other variables
(such as the impact of privatisation, managerial belligerence, and
immediate grievances over pay and conditions, etc.). The methods
of data collection included extensive tape-recorded semistructured
interviews with 36 RMT members at every level of the
union (including shop-floor activists, workplace reps, branch
officers, full-time national organisers and members of the Council
of Executives), as well as with five senior HR managers from
different companies; the analysis of documentary industrial
relations and trade union material, and personal fieldwork
observation at union meetings.
The article proceeds to provide a multi-dimensional set of
explanations for the RMT’s industrial and political militancy,
examining four interrelated factors in turn: political economy,
industrial relations, trade unionism and left-wing activism. Finally,
some conclusions are made and a wider assessment is drawn with
reference to current debates around union revitalisation.
The political economy context has been of importance not only in
contributing to the broad underlying industrial discontent, but also
in terms of the politicisation of industrial relations and trade
unionism on both the national railway network and London
Underground. Privatisation of the railways by the Conservatives
took place in May 1996, despite network-wide strikes over the
threat of job cuts and in defence of industry-wide agreements. It
involved the separation of the running of trains from ownership of
the track, and transformed a relatively well-functioning integrated
service into a highly fragmented business. Apart from Railtrack (the
privatised company that now owned the infrastructure of the
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Political economy
9
railways and was responsible for operating the track, signalling and
stations), there were now twenty-five train operating companies,
three rolling stock companies, three freight companies, seven main
infrastructure companies, and literally hundreds of subcontractors.
Significantly, from an RMT perspective there was an acute sense
of ‘betrayal’ by New Labour on the issue. In 1995, in the run-up to
the special conference that scrapped the Labour Party’s historic
Clause Four commitment to public ownership, Tony Blair and John
Prescott had both nevertheless been keen to emphasise that a
Labour government would see the restoration of a ‘publicly owned
and publicly accountable railway system’ (Murray, 2001: 16). But
prior to the 1997 general election, the party leadership abandoned
its commitment to re-nationalisation and subsequently became
even more wedded to the idea of private finance initiatives (PFIs)
than were its predecessors. Increasing disillusionment with New
Labour inside the RMT has become manifest in a number of ways.
The biggest irony and indeed, failure of privatisation, it has
been pointed out, is that far from reducing the cost of the railways
to taxpayers, it has soared to unprecedented heights, with train
operating companies simultaneously siphoning off billions of
pounds in profits (Catalyst, 2004, 2005a, 2005b). The RMT’s sense
of outrage at the scale of this public subsidy of private finance has
been reflected in its continued reference to ‘rail profiteers’ and ‘fat
cats’ who have ‘plundered the public purse’, and the union has
vigorously campaigned for re-nationalisation of the railways. The
union has also been aggrieved at the perceived inherent tendency
to undermine the safety culture of the national railway network
brought about by privatisation, with rail accidents at Southall (1997),
Ladbroke Grove (1999), Hatfield (2000), Potters Bar (2002) and
Lambrigg (2007). With the widely acknowledged failure of
privatisation to ensure adequate investment in infrastructure
maintenance, Railtrack was taken into administration and replaced
by Network Rail Plc., a government-backed ‘not-for-profit’
company which in 2003 took back direct control of network
maintenance from the private contractors (albeit still leaving
renewal work in the hands of private companies). But the political
dimension of health and safety has been underlined by the way in
which corporate manslaughter charges were dropped over both the
Hatfield and Potters Bar rail crashes, despite independent evidence
that Balfour Beatty, Jarvis and Network Rail had failed to manage
the inspection and maintenance of the track effectively. As a result,
the RMT has argued than that on a privatised rail network, ‘profit
comes before safety’.
Leadership and union militancy
In addition, the union has protested at the way New Labour has
intervened directly in industrial relations within the rail industry
by providing over £23 million of special compensation payments
to train operating companies as indemnity for revenue lost as a
result of strike action. This has included strikes at Arriva Trains
Northern (2002), South West Trains (2002) and Scotrail (2003)
(Hansard 2006; Transport Select Committee, 2006). In the RMT’s
view, this is ‘an astonishing abuse of public funds’. On top of the
billions of pounds of subsidy already paid to the train operators,
they have protested, it has effectively been government policy to
subsidise industrial relations failure on behalf of employers by
encouraging them provoke and prolong industrial disputes,
thereby undermining good industrial relations (RMT News,
July–August 2006).
The union’s disenchantment with New Labour was considerably
deepened by the part-privatisation of the London Underground
via a so-called public–private partnership (PPP). The government
had intended the Tube PPP, the largest in the world and costing
£455 million in legal and consulting fees to set up, to be in
operation by 2000. But widespread public opposition, legal
challenges and strike action by the RMT in 1998, 1999, 2001 and 2002
delayed the process until 2003. In order to circumvent the Tories’
employment laws, the RMT’s strike action was framed around the
industrial relations ‘effects’ of privatisation, with demands for
guarantees regarding the terms and conditions of workers to be
transferred to the private sector; but the stoppages were widely
understood to be political action explicitly focused on a central
plank of New Labour policy.
As with the national railway network, PPP resulted in London
Underground’s infrastructure being separated from the operation
of train services. But in the case of the Tube, the infrastructure was
taken over by two private-sector consortia (Metronet and Tube
Lines), while train operations remained in the hands of the
publicly-run London Underground Limited (LUL) under the
political control of the mayor of London, Ken Livingstone, and
Transport for London (TfL). For the RMT, as for many
independent observers (Wolmar, 2002; Sachdev, 2004), the result
was a financial fiasco, with central-government expenditure
increasing more than twenty-fold in the period 1997–2005 (RMT,
2007a). The financial disaster of PPP was highlighted in July 2007
when Metronet, responsible for maintaining and upgrading twothirds
of the Tube’s infrastructure, was taken into administration
after running up an estimated overspend of £1.9 billion. RMT
strike action to secure guarantees over jobs, conditions and
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11
pensions from the bankrupt company’s administrator was
accompanied by demands for the contract to be taken back under
public control by TfL.
Disaffection with New Labour was compounded by the political
about-turn of Ken Livingstone, who went from being an opponent
of PPP to one of its supporters, and in turn became a harsh critic
of the RMT. The union had provided fulsome support to
Livingstone’s 2000 independent Greater London Assembly
campaign for election to the newly created office of London’s
mayor, with Livingstone having been excluded as the Labour
Party’s official candidate on the basis that he explicitly rejected
part-privatisation of the Tube. But following his spectacular
election victory, Livingstone lost his legal fight to prevent PPP, and
promptly accepted that he would now work with the private firms
involved. Shortly afterwards he was readmitted to the Labour Party,
and proceeded to distance himself from his erstwhile union
supporters. In June 2004, just two weeks after winning re-election
as mayor, Livingstone publicly denounced a strike over pay by LUL
workers in dramatic fashion: ‘Were I a member of the RMT, for the
first time in my life I would cross a picket line’ (Lydall, 2004;
Maguire, 2004). One RMT rep commented: ‘It’s difficult to
describe the anger within the RMT at Livingstone’s call for scabs’
(Socialist Worker, 2004). Moreover, despite TfL’s successful 2007 bid
for the failed Metronet work to be brought in-house, albeit
probably with some private-sector involvement, Livingstone
proceeded with the unprecedented privatisation of the Tube’s East
London line, in the first stage of what the union fears could be the
privatisation of the whole operational side of the Underground.
Meanwhile, as on the railways, the issue of safety on the London
Underground has also been a fundamentally important
undercurrent to the RMT’s militant industrial and political stance,
with a number of Tube derailments (including those at Chancery
Lane, Hammersmith and Camden Town in 2003; White City in
2004; and Mile End/Bethnal Green in 2007) being attributed to the
perceived inherently unsafe nature of PPP. In addition, under the
political inspiration of New Labour, LUL imposed new safety rule
books in July 2007, effectively replacing regulations introduced
after the King’s Cross fire in 1987, which laid down minimum fire
standards and staffing levels. With the introduction of PPP
contracts, it was claimed that such regulations were too prescriptive
and placed a far too costly ‘burden’ on the employer. By contrast,
the new safety rules, estimated by the government to save business
around £36 million over 10 years, have threatened a shift in
emphasis from a regime of inspections and fire certification to one
Leadership and union militancy
of risk assessments and ‘self compliance’. Under the campaign
slogan of ‘London Underground: I Do Mind Dying’, the RMT has
bitterly protested that the government’s ‘neo-conservative’ faith
that unregulated business will act responsibly is ill-founded: as a
high-risk industry, the railways would only be safe if the risks were
controlled and tightly regulated (RMT, 2007b).
New Labour’s refusal to amend the Conservative governments’
employment laws has been another bone of contention, with
threatened strikes on both the railways and London Underground
having being repeatedly subject to court injunctions by employers
attempting to get the actions called off. Gall (2006b) has estimated
that these sectors and the RMT have accounted for the largest
overall number and percentage of court injunctions in industrial
disputes during the period 1995–2005. In response, the union has
been at the forefront of the campaign for a Trade Union Freedom
Bill. More broadly, the politicisation of industrial relations has
been reflected in the RMT’s antipathy to a whole raft of New
Labour’s economic, political and social policies, including the
‘marketisation’ of public services, the embrace of globalisation and
big business, and military intervention in Iraq.
The second contributory factor to the RMT’s industrial and political
militancy has been the industrial relations context, namely the
nature of managerial action, workers’ immediate grievances, and the
strategic industrial opportunities for union redress through collective
forms of action. The transformation of the railway network from a
single public entity into a myriad of private companies resulted in a
fierce competitive battle, with antagonistic contractual relationships
undermining cooperative working practices (Bagwell, 1996; Murray,
2001; Strangleman, 2004; Wolmar, 2005), and with the drive to reduce
costs (for example, on the infrastructure side, by slashing the
workforce substantially and sub-contracting labour) creating a high
degree of job insecurity throughout the industry. Such insecurity
within train operating companies (TOCs) has been further
compounded by the short-term nature of franchises, at an average of
only six-to-seven years, which has hindered long-term planning.
Ironically, given that at the end of the period a new company could
win the franchise (for example, in July 2007, Arriva took over the
Virgin Cross Country franchise and decided to restructure), such
arrangements have inevitably sapped workers’ sense of allegiance
and loyalty towards individual companies, with negative
ramifications for the conduct of industrial relations.
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Industrial relations
13
Following privatisation, there was an accompanying break-up of
the previously highly integrated national framework for collective
bargaining, with each separate company now becoming responsible
for its own bargaining arrangements. There are currently over a
hundred different bargaining groups. Despite Network Rail having
taken maintenance work back in-house, there has remained a
patchwork quilt of different pay rates and conditions introduced
since privatisation for many engineering grades. At the same time,
in many TOCs the sometimes very acrimonious relationship
between the RMT and ASLEF (the latter exclusively representing
train drivers) has been exacerbated by apparent classic ‘divide-andrule’
management strategies aimed at stymieing the potential for
united action by playing on the differences in bargaining
representation and approach between the unions.
In some respects, train drivers (mainly ASLEF, but also RMT)
initially adapted fairly well to the arrival of company-level
bargaining among TOCs, successfully exploiting advantageous
tighter labour markets. In the late-1990s and early 2000s, there was
a shortage of drivers arising from the immediate post-privatisation
restructuring, which cut back many so-called ‘non-essential staff ’.
When demand for rail travel actually increased, individual TOCs,
faced with the prospect of future franchise reorganisation, felt
little incentive to recruit and train new drivers only to see them
poached by another company. Instead, they viewed bigger pay rises
for their existing scarce drivers as a short-term solution, albeit
accompanied by much more flexible working practices. But this
sparked off a poaching war as other TOCs offered terms as good as
their rivals, and in turn this encouraged a much broader layer of
the companies’ guards and station staff to attempt to maintain their
relative pay levels rather than fall behind the drivers. As a result,
thousands of RMT guards and station staff have been involved
over recent years in a series of discontinuous strikes, with separate
disputes on, for example, Virgin, South West Trains, Southern
Trains, First North Western, Arriva Trains Northern, London
Docklands Light Railway and Scotrail, which in many cases have
been successful. In this fashion, the break-up of national bargaining
in the rail industry has to some extent been matched, with the
RMT mobilising its members in different individual companies
behind a model minimum pay and conditions agreement (with a 35-
hour basic working week emerging as the industry standard).
Nonetheless, there remain widespread differences in pay and
conditions among RMT members within the same grade from one
TOC to another, as well as often between existing staff and new
starters within individual companies. Employers have often
Leadership and union militancy
successfully pushed through, against union resistance, longer-term
(often two-to-three year) pay settlements, with the consolidation of
various shift and rest-day allowances into basic salaries; reductions
in the level of overtime; more flexible rostering arrangements; and
more intensive working patterns. In response, the RMT has
campaigned for an end to the fragmented industrial relations
system with a return to national-level bargaining arrangements
(Ewing, 2003).
On the London Underground, PPP has also led to differential
collective bargaining arrangements, and the erosion of the terms
and conditions of employment, pensions and travel benefits of
those transferred over to the private sector, which has contributed
to industrial relations tensions. Moreover, even on the LUL,
publicly-owned operational side of the Underground network, the
fragmentation of management organisation, with line-based
management structures, has had the effect of encouraging
industrial relations disputes at local level (London Assembly, 2006;
Darlington, 2009b).
Managerial belligerence in both transport sectors in the wake of
privatisation and PPP has also helped to encourage the RMT’s
militant stance, and undermined the possibilities for any alternative
form of ‘social partnership’ arrangement as a means of protecting
workers’ interests. As the Financial Times acknowledged, on the
railways the RMT could ‘argue with some legitimacy that the
rising tide of militancy is a direct response to a more aggressive
employer agenda to boost productivity by tying pay deals to the
reform of working practices in a bid to achieve efficiency savings’
(Turner, 2003). Likewise on the Tube, the commercial imperatives
at the heart of PPP have affected not only the infrastructure
workers in the private sector, but also the operational staff within
the public sector. In February 2006, the RMT called on the LUL
managing director to help break the cycle of disputes. In a letter
from RMT general secretary Bob Crow to Tim O’Toole, LUL
managing director, dated 14 February 2006, Crow pointed out:
‘There is an overwhelming feeling among our Tube members that
there is an urgent need to rein in managers who seem intent on
continued confrontation’. The letter continued, ‘it is the frustration
of having to deal with daily attacks by managers who seem
deliberately to be seeking confrontation that has resulted in our
members seeking ballots for industrial action, and backing those
ballots with substantial majorities for strike action’.
Inevitably, there has been variation between different
companies. For example, Brian Souter, the millionaire chairman of
Stagecoach, which took over the largest train operating franchise at
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15
South West Trains, has adopted a particularly aggressive
management style towards the RMT, even sanctioning managers’
strike-breaking in disputes in 2002 and 2006. Virgin Trains has also
introduced a highly authoritarian style in order to enforce staff
discipline, with HRM attempts to introduce a new young ‘green’
workforce, team working and a strong company loyalty ethos to
undermine union organisation. By contrast, Northern Rail, First
TransPennine Trains and other companies have generally been less
confrontational. On London Underground, ‘Time to Talk’
teambuilding sessions have been organised since 2005 on a line by
line basis, with employees being released from work to meet
managers within a parallel machinery to union negotiation, with
the aim of communicating over the heads of the union reps. LUL
management regularly sends out electronic bulletins to every
depot, station and signal box – as one union rep explained, the key
message is, ‘We’re a great team, we’re all in it together. The unions
just want friction and a fight over everything. But let’s hold this all
together’. Nonetheless, a high proportion of industrial action
ballots and strikes within both transport sectors appear to have
been reactive and defensive protests against managerial attempts to
drive through efficiency gains, worsen conditions of work and
undermine collective union organisation. Issues related to
discipline, and to the dismissal of union reps whom the RMT
believes have been ‘victimised’ for their union activities, have also
been a common grievance that has precipitated action.
One highly significant contextual industrial relations factor that
needs to be taken into account is the operational vulnerability of the
railway and Underground networks to strike action. Clearly, the
RMT’s strategic position, industrially and within the economy and
society more generally, has provided it with enormous potential
bargaining power not only to defend the pay and conditions of its
members, but also to act in a more offensive fashion. Even localised
one-day strikes limited to individual companies can potentially bite
hard: for example, in March 2005, 24-hour strikes by 170 guards in a
dispute over the implementation of a 35-hour working week
effectively brought Merseyrail services to a standstill. On a more
dramatic scale, the prospect of an industry-wide railway strike
threatens to effect a complete shutdown of the network to
commuters, as the RMT’s planned 24-hour strikes over pensions in
2004 and 2006 vividly demonstrated. On the London Underground,
the RMT Regional Council has successfully taken advantage of the
union’s distinct strategic position with a number of 24-hour networkwide
strike threats over the peak-passenger Christmas and New Year
period (1998–9, 2000–1, 2004–5, 2005–6), as well as a threatened strike
Leadership and union militancy
on the politically symbolic London Assembly election day (June
2004), purposely designed to have maximum effect in order to put
pressure on the employers to improve pay and conditions.
Unlike many public and private sectors elsewhere, both
industries have been expanding in terms of investment and jobs,
which has also encouraged union confidence and bargaining
leverage. In 2007, rail travel had reached its highest level for almost
fifty years, and there is a projected increase in rail use of 30 per cent
by 2015 (Network Rail, 2007; Transport for London, 2006). Likewise,
the number of passengers travelling on the Tube has increased by
over 25 per cent over the last fifteen years (Transport for London,
2006/7). London’s status as a ‘global city’ is another important
factor in the equation, with the capital now rivaling New York as
the world’s most important financial centre, and 18 per cent of the
UK’s domestic product being generated in London. The capital is
the origin or destination for 75 per cent of all rail journeys
undertaken in Britain, underlining the extent to which the rail
network is the key to London and the UK’s economy (London
Assembly, 2007: 3). Apart from the current £16 billion Tube upgrade
of stations, signals, tracks and trains, the newly restored St Pancras
International Station, the new London Overground network and
projected Crossrail project (with an east-west link across the
capital), there is the 2012 Olympic Games, which is likely to attract
some 500,000 spectators per day. All of this has given enormous
potential power to London’s rail and Tube workers, and to the
RMT more generally
Both the political economy and industrial relations contexts have
been important in creating the underlying material conditions that
have led to antagonism and strike activity on the railways and
London Underground. They have contributed to workers’
acquiring a sense of grievance or injustice, their attribution of
blame for the sources of their discontent to employers or
government, and the process of ‘social identification’, whereby they
come to define their interests collectively in opposition to
employers or government (Kelly, 1998). But the role of agency –
namely, the leadership role of union reps and activists – has also
been a crucial resource necessary for collective action.
Despite the fact RMT organisation on the railways and London
Underground survived Thatcherism and the 1980s without
suffering any crushing strike defeat, the imposition of privatisation
and PPP respectively in the 1990s and early 2000s impacted
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Trade unionism
17
negatively not only in terms of the fragmentation of bargaining,
the imposition of flexible working conditions and the loss of jobs,
but also in terms of the strength and vitality of union organisation.
On the railways in 1993, in the wake of two 24-hour, network-wide,
all-grades British Rail (BR) strikes in protest at the threat posed by
impending privatisation, there was the ending of the union
subscription check-off facility, whereby union subscriptions were
deducted from salaries, for the RMT (although not for ASLEF).
This helped to plunge the union into a financial crisis and,
combined with the subsequent impact of privatisation and
widespread voluntary redundancies, resulted in the union’s
membership’s shrinking dramatically from more than 105,000 in
1992 to 55,000 by 1999. The ending of BR’s national, regional and
local-level collective bargaining arrangements scrapped a whole
stratum of senior union reps (many of whom were on 100 per cent
facility time), and led, initially at least, to a widespread sense of
disorientation. Likewise on the London Underground, the 1992
imposition of a ‘Company Plan’ involving completely new
employment contracts, working arrangements and collective
bargaining structures across the whole network, represented a
serious defeat for union organisation, with the loss of some 5,000
jobs between 1993 and 1994 (Darlington, 2001: 10). The introduction
of PPP that followed further undermined the strength of union
organisation, notably with a marked decline in the level of
membership on the privatised maintenance side.
Yet, paradoxically, in the years that have followed there has been
a relatively successful revitalisation of RMT organisation on both
the railways and London Underground, with the re-fertilisation of
a new layer of union reps and activists. In part, this union renewal
was encouraged by objective conditions, with an overall lowering of
the average age of the workforces in both transport sectors, the exit
of many fairly bureaucratised union reps and branch officers under
the old structures, the emergence of a new generation of (in many
cases younger) activists forced to adapt to the radically fragmented
and transformed bargaining arrangements, and the different
relationship between union reps and the membership encouraged
by such broader changes. Also important has been the historical
legacy of the formation of grassroots unofficial left-wing caucus
groups determined to rebuild the strength of the union through
the organisation of militant collective struggle.
On the railways, the Campaign for a Fighting and Democratic
Union (CFDU), established in 1992, sought to revitalise and
overhaul the RMT’s internal democratic structures and to directly
challenge the moderate industrial and political leadership of the
Leadership and union militancy
general secretary, Jimmy Knapp, for having failed to mount
sufficiently robust opposition to the impending privatisation
process. At its height in the mid-1990s, the CFDU’s loose national
network brought together up to 300 union officials and activists,
members of different left-wing political parties and a much
broader layer of independent non-party industrial militants and
activists. It produced a regular newsletter, organised periodic
national meetings in different parts of the country, and had the
backing of almost forty union branches and some Regional
Councils, as well as among members on the Council of Executives.
Individual supporters played a highly influential role within a
series of national strikes by ‘permanent-way’ signal, telecoms and
overhead line infrastructure workers over pay, conditions and hours
in 1998, and a multi-company and industry-wide campaign of
strikes by guards over their safety responsibilities during 1999–2003.
On the London Underground from the early 1990s, there was the
emergence of a similar, although less formally constituted, network
of left-wing union activists to prominence. This involved a well
organised chain of influence stretching from union reps into the
union branches, London Regional Council and Council of
Executives. As on the railways, it embraced a range of members of
political parties (notably from the Socialist Labour Party, led by
Arthur Scargill) and non-party militants who were able to provide
an influential leadership role, with an industrial strategy of
militant opposition to management informed by broader left-wing
political concerns (Darlington, 2001, 2008, 2009a, 2009b).
One important fruit of the left’s rising influence inside the
RMT generally was the huge majority in support of Bob Crow’s
election as general secretary in 2002. Crow, who had been a
supporter of the CDFU (as well as an ex-member of the
Communist Party and Socialist Labour Party), was elected on a
platform of creating a ‘fighting trade union’ that would campaign
to roll back privatisation, and his victory was a manifestation of a
new-found sense of militant solidarity in the face of the perceived
‘betrayals’ of New Labour. Despite a sustained media ‘red’ scare
campaign, subsequent electoral victories for the left at different
levels of the union and Crow’s overwhelming re-election in 2006
have further confirmed this trend.
As a consequence, although it no longer has any formally
organised such grouping, the RMT has a wide network of
prominent left figures (from Bob Crow and full-time officers to
Council of Executives members and lay union reps and activists on
the ground) with fairly explicit left-wing political values, ideology,
motivation and commitment, who from the early 2000s have been
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19
increasingly influential in shaping the union’s rejection of social
partnership in favour of the mobilisation of members as the means
to win concessions. This has made it easier for an internal union
culture of militant oppositionalism directed towards employers
and New Labour, combined with robust collectivism and an
assertive style of leadership, to pervade the union, especially on
London Underground.
Before looking in more detail at the specific role of left-wing
political leadership inside the union, we can explore a number of
important features of RMT organisation that have, to a large
extent, been affected by such left-wing influence, and which have
contributed to the industrial and political militancy evident in
recent years. The RMT is a relatively small, clearly defined and
specialist (rather than general) ‘industrial’ union that organises
across the transport sector, thereby embracing all grades of
employees, skilled and unskilled. The industrial and all-grades
nature of the union provides the RMT with a clear identity,
helping to encourage a high degree of attachment and loyalty to
the union, and there remains a relatively high level of union
density on both the railways and the Tube. The union has
established a highly democratic/participatory form of structure
and organisation, which includes the election (rather than
appointment) of all national and regional full-time officers (who
are subject to re-election after five years), and a directly elected
lay-member Council of Executives, whose members must
relinquish their posts after a three-year term of office. In addition,
central decision-making powers lie in the hands of the lay national
grade conferences (for engineering, signalling, train crew and
shunting, and station staff) and the Annual General Meeting, with
delegates excluded from attending for more than a three-year
successive period, thereby encouraging a high degree of devolved
activist engagement.
Indeed, in both transport sectors there is a sizeable layer of local
RMT reps as well as health and safety reps who, by virtue of the
operational significance of safety, also play an important union
role. For example, on the London Underground there are well over
a hundred union reps and almost as many health and safety reps
amongst a network-wide RMT–LUL membership of about 6,100
members, excluding other RMT members who work for Metronet,
Tube Lines and private cleaning companies. Such figures are much
higher than those recorded in many other industries by the 2004
Workplace Employment Relations Survey data (Kersley et al.,
2006). Attendances at the RMT’s fourteen Tube union branch
meetings average between fifteen and twenty members, although
Leadership and union militancy
some (such as Finsbury Park) attract thirty to forty members. The
London Regional Council, with delegates from every Tube branch,
regularly attracts about sixty to seventy union reps and activists to
its monthly meetings. On the railways, there is also a relatively
sizeable layer of union reps, although this varies between
individual companies and stations. For example, at Bristol Temple
Meads station, which employs about 550 workers, there are fortyeight
RMT reps. The Bristol rail RMT branch, with a membership
of about 1,000 members (spread across a wide geographical area),
attracts a regular monthly attendance of about twenty-five reps
and members, with as many as fifty or sixty on occasion.
Centralised union leadership has combined with the initiative of
activists from below. On the one hand, Crow has noticeably
stamped his combative/oppositional leadership style towards
management and New Labour on the union, and helped to shape
policy issues. On the other hand, the large milieu of assertive and
combative lay workplace reps and activists has also played a crucial
role in advocating and winning support for the mobilisation of
union members in collective action. Such activists have been
important in ‘framing’ issues by deciding which issues and
initiatives to take up, framing them in antagonism to employers and
government, and displaying leadership and organising skills. One
expression of this has been the substantial ideological and
propaganda effort consistently mounted at different levels of the
union, involving numerous regular newsletters, leaflets, emails and
text messages, which have operated in a context in which
management has engaged in counter-mobilisation to thwart
effective union organisation and collective action.
The RMT’s strike strategy has also been an important
contributory factor to the reinvigoration of union organisation.
The proportion of members voting in individual industrial action
ballots, based on a fairly arbitrary selection of fifteen different
disputes across both transport sectors over recent years for which
figures are available (Darlington, 2007), has been a highly
impressive overall mean of 58 per cent and a median of 64 per
cent. Most ballots have returned overwhelming majorities in favour
of action, with an 82 per cent mean and an 84.3 per cent median.
Such relatively high levels of participation and support have
bolstered the RMT’s bargaining position and provided visible,
material, measurable and high-profile examples to its members of
the way in which the union can achieve its objectives for their
benefit. In the process, this has contributed to the boosting of
members’ self-confidence and their sense of collective power, and
in turn encouraged union activism and recruitment. For example,
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21
the LUL RMT engineering branch experienced an influx of
dozens of new members as a result of the combative stance it
adopted in the 2007 Metronet strike (Darlington, 2008).
Such a strike mobilisation strategy has been accompanied by the
RMT’s comprehensive application of a distinct version of the
‘union organising’ model. This has involved a national campaign,
coordinated by a special organising unit set up in 2002, to recruit
new members, not only amongst the ‘core’ railway and Tube
workforce of drivers, guards, signallers, infrastructure workers and
station staff, but also amongst groups which had become
marginalised by privatisation, such as cleaners, catering and
security staff. In the process, it has won new recognition
agreements (for example, with infrastructure companies McGinley,
Renown and Grantrail, station catering company Select Service
Partners, and security firms Securitas and Chubb). But the union’s
strategy has also involved a prioritisation of the development and
creation of active, self-sufficient and sustainable union reps able to
provide effective workplace representation, including the
establishment of a new training centre in Doncaster. Likewise, a
national database of some 1,200 activists who are not union reps –
there are 2,000 union reps – but who are nonetheless willing to
become involved in recruitment has been compiled and utilised. As
a result of such organising efforts, the union has not only had
success in recruiting new members, but also in strengthening
workplace union organisation and energising reps and activists in a
number of areas (for example, within Eurostar).
As we have seen, one of the legacies of a highly politicised
industrial environment, and of previous internal battles over
strategic direction within the union, is that the RMT has a wide
network of left-wing activists within its ranks. Such activists have
exercised significant industrial and political influence within both
the railway and London Underground networks, albeit to a greater
extent in the (more strike-prone) latter than in the former. Thus on
the Tube’s RMT Regional Council, there has been a combination
of what one union activist has termed a ‘political left’ and a
‘syndicalist left’. On the one hand, a number of hard-left political
organisations have representation on the Council of between two
and six members each. There are also a number of delegates who
are no longer formal members of a political party, but who used to
be members of one or another group in the past, and who remain
highly political in their overall approaches. On the other hand, the
Leadership and union militancy
Left-wing activism
‘syndicalist left’ element is composed of a broad variety of
industrial militants, most of whom are, like their party
counterparts, implicitly anticapitalist in outlook, adopt a
consistently adversarial approach to management, play a key role in
leading disputes, and necessarily take up political arguments in the
process of mobilisation.
While formal left-wing political party representation is much less
evident on the national railway network, there are some very
prominent left-wing-influenced activists amongst the different
grades and within individual companies, and most of the RMT’s
full-time organisers and lay members of the Council of Executives
are likewise noticeably on the left on industrial and political issues.
Many of these activists are motivated not only by the struggle
against workplace injustice or industrial issues, but also by the search
for social justice outside the workplace, giving issues a political
dimension, invariably with an anti-New Labour edge. In other
words, then, if privatisation and PPP and its ramifications have
contributed to the politicisation of industrial relations and trade
unionism, both transport sectors have collected together a layer of
left-wing activists with ‘axes to grind’ within a more or less politically
informed agenda. Apart from their impact on the nature and extent
of strike mobilisation within the union (Darlington, 2008), evidence
of the influence of such left-wing activism on a much wider layer of
members can be explored in relation to the Iraq war and the break
with the Labour Party.
From the outset, the RMT opposed the government’s military
intervention in Iraq and officially supported the Stop the War
Coalition movement of opposition (Murray & German, 2005).
Across the country, individual regions and branches, including the
union’s AGM, endorsed this stance. Likewise, the Regional Council
on London Underground, with a policy of calling for the withdrawal
of British troops, mobilised dozens of members for the mammoth 15
February 2003 anti-war demonstration. Immediately after the 7 July
2005 London bombings, the union made it clear that the bombings
were a criminal act and sent its sympathies and solidarity to the
families and friends who had lost loved ones. But Bob Crow also
explained, ‘There is no getting away from the fact that the war Tony
Blair led us into in Iraq was a criminal act too. That war was based on
a pack of lies and it has now resulted in the very escalation of
violence that we, as part of the anti-war movement, warned of ’
(Crow, 2005). The union’s left-influenced Tube Regional Council
emphasised the way in which workplace safety was closely
intertwined not just with government economic policies, but also
with the military adventures it was pursuing abroad. First, it argued
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23
that while the union was constantly being told by government that
privatisation and PPP were necessary for much-needed investment in
public transport, health and education, there appeared to be a
bottomless pit in the public purse with which to fund wars. Second, it
drew attention to the way in which the private companies who were
making huge profits from the railway and London Underground
networks, through the intensification of work and the deterioration
of safety protection, were the same companies who were profiting
from the lucrative contracts awarded to them by the US and British
governments in ‘reconstructing’ Iraq. The July 2005 bombings, it
argued, made those links starker than ever before (RMT, 2007b).
As a consequence, in the hours immediately following the 21 July
2005 attempted repeat bombings in London, leading Tube RMT
reps refused to encourage their members to work normally as they
were requested to do by London Underground and by the prime
minister, Tony Blair (via the Cabinet Office Briefing Rooms,
COBRA).5 One union rep recalled:
There was an attempt to get the unions on board, to agree to
send out a political message that it was nothing to do with Iraq,
it’s just loony Islamic fundamentalists and we won’t give in to
them … We didn’t accept it. Everyone knew it was the Iraq war
that caused it. We told them ‘we don’t trust you, we don’t trust
management, and we certainly don’t trust No. 10’. … a number
of our members refused to work … [they] wouldn’t go out and
drive the trains or open up stations or continue any back work
until there was an absolute guarantee that the entire combine
was checked, inspected, security cleared. (Interview, 20
September 2007)
After the Tube network returned to normal working, the Regional
Council campaigned for the reintroduction of guards on trains,
greater station staffing numbers and better communications, and
argued that in the event of another confirmed attack, the whole
system should be closed in a coordinated manner to allow for safety
and security checks prior to its reopening. It also reasserted the need
for the union to campaign on a wider social basis as an affiliate to the
Stop the War Coalition to deal with the ‘root cause of the conflict’:
US–UK foreign policy. Although the proposed practical measures
were framed around the issue of safety, the RMT’s stance was
clearly informed by an explicit left-wing political set of assumptions
related to opposition to the war in Iraq.
The influence of the left inside the RMT was most decisively
demonstrated in the crucial role it played in encouraging the
Leadership and union militancy
union, following a number of years of internal debate, to break its
historic link with the Labour Party on the basis that New Labour
had destroyed the party’s core principles. Historically, the RMT
leadership (like that of its predecessor union, the NUR) had
always been proud of the union’s strong links with Labour at all
levels. Under Knapp’s helm as general secretary, the union had
established particularly close links with the shadow Labour
Cabinet, and from 1997 had high expectations of the incoming
New Labour administration. In addition, a significant number of
union activists were Labour councillors, and at the grassroots
level, the union boasted the highest density of Labour Party
membership of any trade union, proportionate to its size, with
3,000 members (Tucker, 2002; Berlin, 2006: 133). Though some
leading members, many of whom were associated with the 1990s
CFDU grouping, had left to join the Socialist Labour Party,
formed following Labour’s rejection of Clause Four, there was
little grassroots support for the idea of disaffiliation. But the
process of dissolution of the historic link came by a series of
incremental and increasingly acrimonious stages of confrontation
with the Knapp leadership, as a growing section of the union,
faced with New Labour’s neoliberal policies, became unhappy
with the leadership’s loyalist approach to New Labour.
The election of Bob Crow emboldened the left elements inside
the union, who decided to throw down the gauntlet over the
question of the use of the RMT’s political fund, rather than over
the explicit and contested demand for a full-blown separation from
Labour. But in arguing that the political fund should be used as the
members thought best in each circumstance – to back Labour Party
candidates where they were supportive of RMT policies, and to
back other independent political candidates where they were not –
the implicit political justification for a break with Labour was
effectively expressed with increasing vigour and support at
successive union AGMs. The scale of the revolt was underlined
when, following the party’s refusal to accept the RMT’s demands,
on which its loyalty was dependent, for the re-nationalisation of
the railways, the scrapping of the part-privatisation of London
Underground, and the repeal of anti-union legislation, the union
progressively reduced the number of its members affiliated to the
Labour Party and cut back its affiliation fees. In 2003, the union
moved even further along the path of confrontation with New
Labour when it voted in favour of allowing individual branches
and regions to affiliate to, and campaign for, other non-Labour
Party political organisations and candidates at local and
parliamentary elections.
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25
A number of RMT branches, no longer able to stomach giving
local affiliations to constituency Labour Parties, began to support
independent political campaigning. For example, in the Greater
London Assembly elections of 2000, ten RMT London
Underground workers, led by Pat Sikorski (newly elected as
assistant general secretary), ran as candidates as part of the
Regional Council’s Campaign Against Tube Privatisation, in the
process gaining 17,000 votes. This was followed by the RMT
Council of Executives’ decision to allow five Scottish branches and
its Scottish Regional Council to affiliate to the Scottish Socialist
Party, after which Labour’s deputy general secretary, Chris Lennie,
wrote to the union saying it ‘has placed itself outside the
constitution of this Party’. Following a decision to refer the matter
to the Labour Party’s national executive committee with a
recommendation that the RMT ‘be treated as disaffiliated from this
Party forthwith’ (Labour Research, February 2004), a RMT special
general meeting in February 2004 refused to be ‘bullied’ and
decided to reaffirm its policy of supporting other political
organisations that reflected union policies (by a 42-to-8 vote). As a
result, the union was expelled, by which time there were estimated
to be only 300 members of the union left in the Labour Party
(Berlin, 2006: 159).
In January 2006, the RMT, following an initiative from the
union’s left elements, hosted a conference open to trade activists
from other unions to discuss ‘the crisis in working class political
representation’, which delivered a damning indictment of Labour
and scorned the possibility of resurrecting it as a workers’ party. In
2009, in the first major backing for a political initiative outside of
the Labour Party for years, the RMT leadership set up a No2EU:
Yes to Democracy electoral coalition, which stood candidates in the
European elections on a platform of opposition to the Lisbon
Treaty and against EU-led privatisation of public services. In the
process, the left’s activities have contributed to the opening-up of
arguments about a potential political realignment around a new
left-wing party backed by the unions.
Finally, it is possible to discern the left’s influence within the
RMT in the extent to which a form of political trade unionism has
become embedded within the organisation’s activities generally,
involving an explicit opposition to the neoliberal agenda that
engulfs established political parties. Thus, the union has taken
some important steps to broaden the agenda of trade unionism by
making common cause with a range of social movements,
including the Stop the War Coalition, Unite Against Fascism, the
anticapitalist European Social Forums, and the Vestas wind turbine
Leadership and union militancy
26
Capital & Class 99
company sit-in. All these initiatives have been well supported by
left activists in different regions and branches of the union, and
mark a limited but notable attempt to reorient the union as a social
actor towards a broader political agenda.
In attempting to explain the reasons for the RMT’s industrial and
political militancy on the railways and London Underground, there
have clearly been some important objective features, including the
politicisation of industrial relations and trade unionism as a
consequence of privatisation/PPP; organisational restructuring
and management belligerency; buoyant markets and increased
passenger volumes; the homogeneity of large manual workforces
with a relatively high union membership; and the immediate
impact that strike action can potentially have on operational
services and the public. All of these factors have contributed to the
creation of a favourable environment for workers to engage in
militant union activity, compared with the more quiescent labour
and union responses in other industries in recent years.
But while such environmental features may have created a more
or less favourable context, they have not, in themselves, necessarily
generated a sense of injustice or collective identity. Hence the
importance of the role of union activists at every level of the
RMT, and in particular of left-wing activists, in providing
leadership in the mobilisation of collective discontent and
workplace strike activity, as well as in influencing the political
break with New Labour. The efficacy of mobilisation theory as a
tool of analysis of such social processes deserves due recognition,
despite Fairbrother’s (2005) critique. Conversely, while the mediapropagated
‘agitator theory’ of strikes exaggerates and presents a
distorted picture, the fact that trade union militants and/or leftwing
activists do not in any sense cause the underlying material
conditions that lead to antagonism and strike activity should not
blind us to the way that their activity and leadership is clearly an
important variable (amongst other factors) to an understanding of
the dynamics of mobilisation (Darlington, 2006).
Such a structure–agency dynamic can also help to explain the
relatively higher level of union militancy on the London
Underground compared to on the railways. The Tube network is
situated within a much more compact geographical area with a
closer social network; there is a much higher concentration of
workers both in absolute terms and located within many large
depots/stations; there is much less employer and collective
Some conclusions
27
bargaining fragmentation; there is a greater degree of public
ownership and therefore of susceptibility to political pressure; and
there is the heightened potential impact of strike action within the
capital, given the density of passengers and the Tube network’s
link to every mainline station, as well as its effect on the City of
London and Heathrow airport. However, also of central
importance is the higher density of union membership, the greater
strategic coordinating role of the Regional Council, and more
deeply implanted and influential left-wing activist traditions.
Beyond such considerations, the case-study evidence also sheds
some light on current debates concerned with union revitalisation.
According to a number of studies (for example, Jowell et al.,
1984–1996; Charlwood, 2003; Bryson, 2003), one of the principal
reasons why British workers generally are not joining unions in
greater numbers is that unions are often viewed as simply not being
effective enough. If the experience of the RMT’s significant
growth in union membership in recent years is anything to go by, it
would seem that what has attracted workers to join the union has
been precisely its apparent ability to deliver in terms of obtaining
real and demonstrable material improvements in pay and
conditions. Nonetheless, in order to be in a position to extract such
concessions from employers, the RMT has had to adopt a
combative stance, often involving the collective mobilisation of
members and the threat and use of strike action.
However, as other commentators (Behrens et al., 2004; Kelly,
2005) have pointed out, much of the literature on the topic of
union revitalisation has equated it simply with membership
growth. But the activities of the RMT demonstrate that
revitalisation can occur on dimensions other than membership.
Thus it is possible to see evidence of variation in outcomes if we
adopt Behrens et al.’s multi-dimensional conceptualisation of
union revitalisation, which moves beyond union membership and
density to embrace economic bargaining power (to achieve pay and
benefit improvements), political leverage (to influence the policymaking
process), and institutional vitality (the capacity to
recognise and respond to changes in the environment). Likewise,
Stirling (2005) has argued that we need to define union renewal in
ways that take into account not only recruitment and growing
membership, but also features such as increased success in
collective bargaining, stronger workplace organisation, greater
militancy, the extent of union democracy, the role of workplace
activists as leaders, and so on. In other words, union revitalisation
and renewal cannot be measured along a single dimension since
they are multi-dimensional. Arguably, on the basis of such a range
Leadership and union militancy
of measures, the RMT has scored fairly well. Its experience belies
the pessimistic claims of those (Coats, 2005) who have claimed that
the unions, like the biblical Lazarus, somehow need a miracle in
order to come back to life.
Meanwhile, Cohen (2006) has recently drawn attention to the
central role of lay union activists to maintaining union
organisation and the process of union renewal. The case-study
evidence presented here appears to underline such an assessment.
Certainly, compared with many other industries in which there are
often workplaces with a union presence but no active union reps to
provide effective representation, the existence of a committed
activist milieu inside the RMT, able to influence and lead worker
mobilisation, appears to be a crucially important feature of union
organisation. But while Gall (2005b) has reminded us that the body
of left activists is considerably smaller today than it previously was,
there is clearly a new generation of RMT members who have been
politically radicalised over the last few years within the national
railway and London Underground sectors. Such a network of left
activists, while no doubt somewhat less politically and
organisationally cohesive than in many other industries in which
the Communist Party previously had a base, nonetheless appears to
have exercised as much ability to influence a wide layer of workers
and lead struggles. Yet the favourable industrial context and
politicisation of industrial relations that has contributed to
sustaining such a development limits the extent of case-study
generalisation that can be made.
Ironically, in advocating the central role of lay union activists as
‘ramparts of resistance’, Cohen (2006) has dismissed the activities
of left-wing political groups, criticising their alleged attempt to
pull workers over to extraneous broader political agendas rather
than concentrating on the prosaic terrain of workplace resistance.
In fact, the case-study evidence suggests that left-wing activists in
the RMT have been crucial to the task of building union
organisation and collective industrial and political mobilisation. Far
from such activists’ ‘substitu[ting] political idealism for strategic,
conscious building of rank-and-file organisation and resistance’ (p.
182), they have enjoyed considerable success in taking up and
articulating members’ grievances and sense of injustice, suggesting
means of redress, organising collective forms of union
organisation and action, and generalising politically from such
endeavours.
28
Capital & Class 99
29
Bagwell, P. S. (1996) The Transport Crisis in Britain (Spokesman).
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Batstone, E., I. Boraston & S. Frenkel (1978) The Social Organization of
Strikes (Blackwell).
Behrens, M., K. Hamman & R. Hurd (2004) ‘Conceptualizing labour
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Unionism: Strategies for Union Revitalization in a Globalizing Economy
(Oxford University Press) pp. 11–29.
Berlin, M. (2006) Never on Our Knees: A History of the RMT, 1979–2006
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Beynon, H. (1973) Working for Ford (Penguin).
Bryson, A. (2003) Working with Dinosaurs? Union Effectiveness in Delivering
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Catalyst (2004) Renaissance Delayed? New Labour and the Railways, working
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Catalyst (2005a) The Railways in a Third Term, pre-election briefing
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Charlwood, A. (2003) ‘Willingness to unionize amongst non-union
workers’, in H. Gospel & S. Wood (eds.) Representing Workers
(Routledge).
Coats, D. (2005) Raising Lazarus: The Future of Organized Labour (Fabian
Society).
Cohen, S. (2006) Ramparts of Resistance: Why Workers Lost Their Power and
How to Get it Back (Pluto Press).
Crow, B. (2005) ‘It’s the war, stupid’, Across the Tracks, July.
Darlington, R. (2001) ‘Union militancy and left-wing leadership on
London Underground’, Industrial Relations Journal, vol. 32, no. 1,
pp. 2–21.
Darlington, R. (2002) ‘Shop stewards’ leadership, left-wing activism and
collective workplace union organisation’, Capital & Class, no. 76, pp.
95–126.
Darlington, R. (2006) ‘The agitator “theory” of strikes re-evaluated’,
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Darlington, R. (2007) ‘Leadership and union militancy: The case of the
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University of Manchester, 3–6 September.
Darlington, R. (2008) ‘Striking against PPP: RMT organisation in
Metronet on London Underground, 2003-8’, British Universities’
Industrial Relations Association conference, University of the West
of England, 26–28 July.
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Ewing, K. D. (2003) Moving Forward on the Railway: Integrated Industrial
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Gall, G. (2005b) ‘Back from the brink or still on the margins?’ International
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Gall, G. (2006a) ‘Organising for the future. Today’, RMT News,
September, pp. 10–11.
Gall, G. (2006b) ‘Research note: Injunctions as a legal weapon in
industrial disputes in Britain, 1996–2005’, British Journal of Industrial
Relations, vol. 44, no. 2, pp. 327–49.
Hansard (2006) John McDonnell, speaking in House of Commons
debate, 28 February.
Heery, E. & H. Conley (2006) ‘Frame extension in a mature social
movement: British trade unions and part-time work, 1967–2002’, British
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Hyman, R., R. Price & M. Terry (1988) Reshaping the NUR: Reorganisation
and Reconstitution of the Union (the ‘Warwick Report’) (IRRU).
Jowell, R. et al. (eds.) (1984–1996) British Social Attitudes
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Kelly, J. (1998) Rethinking Industrial Relations: Mobilization, Collectivism and
Long Waves (Routledge).
Kelly, J. (2005) ‘Social movement theory and union revitalisation in
Britain’, in S. Fernie & D. Metcalf (eds.) Trade Unions: Resurgence or
Demise? (Routledge) pp. 62–82.
30
Capital & Class 99
31
Kersley, B., C. Alpin, J. Forth, A. Bryson, H. Bewley, G. Dix & S.
Oxenbridge (2006) Inside the Workplace: Findings from the 2004 Workplace
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London Assembly Transport Committee (2006) Striking a Balance: The
Transport Committee’s Review of Industrial Relations on the London
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London Assembly Transport Committee (2007) Track to the Future:
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Maguire, K. (2004) ‘Livingstone in “Scab” Row’, Guardian, 26 June.
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trade unionism’, Capital & Class, no. 87, pp. 43–63.
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Strangleman, T. (2004) Work Identity at the End of the Line? Privatization
and Cultural Change in the UK Rail Industry (Palgrave).
Taylor, P. & P. Bain (2003) ‘Call centre organizing in adversity: From
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Britain’s Railways (Aurum Press).
1 The RMT was established in 1990 as a result of an amalgamation of
the National Union of Railwaymen (NUR) and the National Union
of Seamen (NUS).
2 These figures have been compiled from a variety of published and
unpublished sources, including the Office for National Statistics,
employers, the RMT, newspaper reports and elsewhere. See
Darlington (2007, 2008, 2009a, 2009b).
3 The Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen
(ASLEF) and the Transport Salaried Staffs’ Association (TSSA).
4 In June 2009, RMT membership leapt to 81,017, boosted in part as a
result of the merger of the Oil Industry Liaison Committee (OILC)
as well as by continuing organising success across different sections of
the transport industry.
5 Summary of proceedings of a special meeting of LUL Health and
Safety Forum, 8 July 2005; notes of LUL Health and Safety Forum,
13 July 2005; summary of proceedings of London Underground Ad
Hoc Health and Safety Forums, held on 21 and 22 July 2005.

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Improving Health and Wellbeing in the Workplace

Questions:

1. Discuss the employers’ obligations and liabilities in respect to Alex’s ability to perform her job. You should make reference to health and safety legislation.
2. Identify and evaluate HRM best practice strategies for managing alcohol and stress in the school. You should make reference to both formal and informal ways that employers might use to deal with this issue.

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Describe the legal aspect of the situation regarding HSE and new guidelines in this purpose.

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Introduction:

The fact of the case is about Alexandra Johnson who is employed as a cook in a primary school. She is a very good kitchen staff and generally friends denote her as Alex. But in recent time people observed change in her behavioural pattern. The manager of the institution found that she came late to the work place and the smell of alcohol came out from her body. But the management could not prove that he consume alcohol in the working hours. The work pressure is very high on her. Two additional members of the kitchen are on leave. So, it’s became very stressful to her to work alone. In this situation manager of the institution tries to help her out from this situation but they are not achieved the desired goal. Cooking for children after alcohol consumption is very risky. The situation is risky for her health also because she is working in front of the fire. The authority find two major issue relating to its matter one is alcohol addiction of the employee and another one is the stressful work environment of the employee.

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Cost Management Process: 513239

Requirement file 1image-1214 Requirement file 2 image-8582 Requirement file 3 image-4064 Requirement file 4 image-9207 Requirement file 5 image-7406 Requirement file 6 _image-8354 Requirement file 7_image-5643 Requirement file 8 image-6814 Requirement file 9_image-9924 Requirement file 10 image-1897

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For measuring the agile projects, there is a higher quality of product which is set with the visibility and inconsistent cost tracking. A complete strategic misalignment is set where there is a need to integrate the Portfolio Management into the agile development for the overcoming of all the roadblocks. (Verzuh 2015). The visibility, predictability and the measuring ability is important for analysing the costs of the project. This includes the single source of truth along with ensuring that there have been alignment which is based on the projects and the resources. The consolidations of the resource planning and the management with the consistent reporting helps in properly managing and then maintaining all the reports with the tracking of time and other project costs. with the changing summaries, there are field data collection, scheduling and the accounting hence, for this, there have been functions which include the job control usage of the data with proper estimates with information it includes the fields to measure the costs and the project production. (Turner, 2016). Hence, to work on the objectives, it is important to simplify and cheapen the experience of the project. The approach includes the planning of the costs management and then estimating the costs to properly determine the appropriate budget which is important for the cost control.

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Roman Catholic Theology and Modern Culture

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Discuss the impact of internet banking on customer satisfaction in the UK.

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Introduction

In the continuous improvements in technology and continuous development in competition market in the business world it has become very crucial on the organizational part to make an effective utilization of latest technology for giving effective services to their clients and to build a pool of convinced & happy customers. Moreover to actualize the latest technology in the working environment of the company facilitates the business to make its stand in the competition market and acquire supportable competitive leverage in the business world. Nowadays it is noticed that organizations are concerned with the products and sale to clients in the technology oriented market. Today organization’s only requirement is to provide the customer’s needs and wants with best quality of the service. Customer Service is now a day’s very important for the organization and it can only achieved with the help of providing best services to the clients. In order to achieve this best internet technology services is required.

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